Such uniformities help to rule out conventional economic explanations for the emergence of divergences in shop-floor procedures. Instead, the fundamental similarity in the immediate economic and technical setting for this branch of textiles allows us to highlight culture as the structuring principle of national differences in factory practice.
Differing conceptions of labor as a commodity gave rise to national contrasts in methods of remuneration, calculation of output and costs, disciplinary techniques, rights to employment, and even mill architecture. The dissimilarities pervaded industrial experience, for they were contained within each of the nationally prevailing definitions of the valorization of labor. To speak of "the rise of market culture" or the commodification of "labor" without contextualizing their definitions falsely objectifies our terms of understanding.
It might seem that the expressions labor and capital , as elemental and necessary constituents of commercial bourgeois culture, would naturally take on the same meaning throughout industrializing Europe. But they appeared in varying guises and signified disparate features of human endeavor within the German and the British economies. Cultural conceptions of labor as a ware do not only illuminate the fixed structures of early factory life. They also aid us in appreciating the strategies and demands of labor movements. Until the classical period of laissez-faire industrialization came to an end in the First World War, German and British workers enacted strikes and protests with different beliefs about what comprised the withholding of the commodity of "labor.
Finally, German and British workers arrived at different explanations for their exploitation based upon their per-. In the decades leading up to the First World War, the German labor movement proved more receptive to Marx's analysis of exploitation than did its British counterpart, even among British workers who were convinced of the necessity of dramatic social transformation. I suggest that for each country, the schemas encoded in silent practices within the private factory lent workers the concept of labor they used to voice demands in the public sphere. If reliance upon a vision of labor as a commodity cast both factory practices and workers' responses in a distinctive image, why did a different apparition of labor prevail in each country?
I try to show how conjunctural differences in the timing of the recognition of formally free markets in finished goods, in the abolition of feudal dues in labor, and in the breakdown of guild supervision over urban labor established different motivating conditions for the definition of labor as a commodity. To dissect the combinations of factors that inspired varying cultural outcomes, I investigate the transition to a formally free market in labor not only in Britain and Germany but in France and, more briefly, in northern Italy.
The forces at work in these cases show that the understandings of the labor transaction that prevailed in Germany and in Britain, the two chief cases for analysis, resulted from opposite journeys among an array of developmental pathways to wage labor in western Europe. The discovery that the world of concrete procedures on the shop floor was systematically structured by cultural specifications of labor as a commodity—by practical "theories" about labor, if you will—may open a new avenue of research into correspondences between nineteenth-century practice and the postulates of political economy reigning in that age.
I endeavor to show that the contrasts in the apprehension of labor marking the German and British variants of classical political economy matched the differences in the theories about labor operating in German versus British manufacturing. Adam Smith's portrayal of the exchange of labor products recovered the presumptions about the transfer of labor that governed British industrial procedure in his day and long after.
Karl Marx's celebrated reflections upon labor power, it turns out, replicated the definition of labor contained in German treatises composed at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Marx's formal economic analysis eerily borrowed from the established cultural schema distinctive to the workers and business people of Germany. Each country's intellectual representatives brought the implicit theory embedded in the quotidian practices of manufacture into the explicit theory of political economy.
In brief, this work examines the national origins of cultural definitions of labor as a commodity, the installation of these specifications into procedures on the shop floor in Germany and Britain, and the ideological consequences for the labor movements of such culturally structured forms of industrial practice.
The work's range is broad but its analytic focus precise: it portrays the development of manufacturing to shed light on the explanatory significance of popular understandings of labor as a commodity. My comparative perspective focuses upon the responses of German and British workers that typify the overarching differences in the definition of labor as a ware in each country.
Given this cross-national perspective, only occasionally do I dwell upon more specific differences in workers' responses within each country based on occupational, gender, and regional identities. If I manage to encourage further reflection upon the practical effects of labor's reification as a commodity, I will have accomplished my task.
Comparative history succeeds when the grounds for juxtaposing cases are specified with precision. My examination of the German and British wool textile industries attempts to single out the effects of culture upon the workplace by providing approximate controls for the confounding effects of differing economic and technical trajectories of development.
Britain's reputation for having had a unique experience as the textile pioneer rests on intense, in some respects excessive, attention to the precocious development of cotton factories in Lancashire at the end of the eighteenth century. In Yorkshire, however, the most important center of the country's wool trade, power looms in weaving sheds did not prevail until after the middle of the nineteenth century—by which time the woolen and cotton mills in Germany had also begun to mechanize.
This consideration simplifies the task of presenting a cultural account of the differences in factory practices that emerged. It helps to exclude explanations of differences that appeal to the timing of development or to the world industrial environment prevailing at the inception of a factory system. Although this finding tallies with stereotypes about German culture, the results could also be explained as adaptations to circumstances under which those firms were founded or to the present conditions of doing business in the branches of manufacture to which these firms devoted themselves.
My comparative design takes these alternative economic explanations into account. Powell and Paul J. In an important comparison of workers' attitudes in the French and British oil refining industries, Duncan Gallie set up controls for the contemporary "level of technological development" in these enterprises but not for their developmental trajectory in each country. Why did the mechanized production of wool cloth appear later than that of cotton in the global textile industry?
It was a quirk of nature that placed its mechanization on a deferred time scale. Wool fibers proved more recalcitrant to mechanical handling than cotton. Although some enterprises for the power weaving of cotton succeeded in Britain during the s,  experimental power looms for weaving in woolens did not evolve in Britain until the s. Employers in the Yorkshire woolen trade had nearly completed the shift to power weaving by the start of the s.
Brodnitz, op. In , Samuel Jubb reported that wages for hand weavers in the Batley district had suffered no decline and remained above those for power-loom weavers. Fearnsides, , pp. One-quarter of the looms in Huddersfield in were still worked by hand. Textile Manufacturer , June 15, , p. For an instance of a firm using sixty handlooms in Yorkshire Factory Times , July 10, , Heckmondwike.
The Yorkshire worsted textile industry, concentrated in Bradford, used specially combed wool fibers. Worsted weaving was mecha-nized about two decades before woolens. Since the cultural principles in the treatment of labor in worsted mills were the same as in woolen mills proper, I include evidence from the worsted branch in my grouping of Yorkshire mills. In Germany the transition to power looms for woolens occurred more unevenly.
A few entrepreneurs experimented with power looms during the s in Berlin and Saxony. In the preeminent textile centers of northwestern Germany, such as Elberfeld and Rheydt, the mechanization of weaving with wool materials was nearing completion by —at almost the same time as in Yorkshire. To be sure, Germany had outlying areas such as upper Lausitz, where isolated hand weavers survived even into the s.
In Zittau, the production of half-wool goods was mechanized by In , only 34 percent of looms in Germany as a whole in the wool branches were mechanized. Horst Blumberg, op. British engineers were equals from the start. A focus on wool textiles as a test comparison also simplifies the task of explanation because it offers basic parallels between the niches in the world market occupied by the producers. Business journals from the nineteenth century confirm that German and British fabrics made of wool and wool mixtures were often of very similar design.
Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausbruch des Weltkrieges," Ph. Domestic machinery played a role in the mechanization of wool weaving in Saxony as early as the s. In worsteds, it seems, German weavers in the Wuppertal did import looms from Bradford. In worsted spinning the Germans disseminated their own machine designs in the s.
The product market was extremely fragmented, however. Sigsworth, op. German wool manufacturers, who began with a reliance on the luxury goods market, pursued a strategy of diversifying their output. They competed in both fancy and plain styles. Jenkins and J. Wright and J. At the top end of the scale for fine yarns, British cotton spinners in Lancashire hardly competed with foreign enterprises, for their expertise lent them a virtual world monopoly.
John Jewkes and E. The German and British wool textile industries resembled each other another way: in both countries, the majority of factories in this branch operated under the principal ownership of family partners. In both. Karl Emsbach, Die soziale Betriebsverfassung der rheinischen Baumwollindustrie im Even limited liability firms were sometimes managed by members of a single family. Heffer, , p. Finally, in wool factories the development of textile workers' unions and collective bargaining show fundamental similarities in the two countries. As is well known, Lancashire's cotton towns sponsored the development of strong and enduring craft unions for spinners and weavers back in the era of artisanal production.
A comparison of regions with wool mills eliminates this complexity. From an analytic standpoint it is fortunate that unions in Yorkshire for factory weavers and spinners did not become full-fledged standing organizations until after in the Colne Valley, and not until the s in other localities. In Yorkshire the major union for textile workers embraced both weavers and spinners, establishing another parallel to the German case.
History never duplicates its creations to order. Yet the basic similarities in technology, the timing of mechanization, product lines, proprietorship, and the structure and procession of workers' unionization allow a focus on. Clapham, op. Textile Mercury , April 8, , p. Brodnitz found close parallels in the average sizes of the work forces of German and British worsted and woolen weaving mills excluding hand shops. Prior associations for weavers in Yorkshire, whose by-laws were printed as early as , were short-lived.
The independent local Yeadon textile union, too, emphasized recruitment across professional divides. This industry also affords a weighty, if relatively neglected, body of evidence. At the turn of this century, the Yorkshire district counted about , woolen and worsted textile workers. They also singled out the work forces in these German towns for their ability to rival British textile workers in technical expertise.
Of course, a comparison limited to wool textile factories within narrow geographical regions renders suspect any allegation that findings result from nationally prevailing cultural differences. Where my explanation relies upon the influence of culture, I have an obligation to demonstrate the generality of the outlooks that I hold responsible for divergences in factory customs. In addition to my evidence on the wool mills, which serves as the decisive test example, I therefore include many examples from factories in the major branches of textiles in other regions of each country.
At this point I can take advantage of a supplementary kind of comparison. In spite of differences in the timing of mechanization and in the labor and product. To put Yorkshire employment in perspective, the cotton industry of the time in Lancashire retained about half a million workers. Sydney J. The German spinning and weaving mills of the wool branches in employed over , workers.
In all, the German and British textile workforces were of similar size, each totaling about one million workers. Textile Mercury , , p. As early as , William Radcliffe focused on Elberfeld as a powerful adversary in the weaving business. Lomax, , p. This extension increases my confidence that nationally dominant cultural assumptions represent the source of similarity in outcomes within each country. Even when this study incorporates evidence from cotton, silk, and jute mills to help establish the generality of cultural differences, the comparison of the textile industries as national wholes rests on a prudent criterion.
With the maturing of textile machinery in the late nineteenth century, Germany and Britain comprised the premier exporters in the world textile market. As early as the s the professional textile periodicals in Britain focused on Germany, not France, as Britain's most important challenger.
They operated their cotton weaving equipment at a speed perhaps 30 percent higher on average than that of German competitors. For other examples of the British preoccupation with German competition, see Textile Recorder , October 15, , worsted branch; Textile Manufacturer , September 15, , p. British textile employers told their workers that German competition in particular prevented them from granting wage increases.
Bradford Labour Echo , January 28, The American textile industry hardly competed in the world market. For comparative estimates of national exports of wool manufactures, including those from the United States, see D. Jenkins and K. German cotton spinning mills were typically larger than those of the British, whereas the British cotton weaving factories were larger. See employment figures excluding self-employed in Brodnitz, op. At junctures when I consider alternative explanations for factory customs based on market adaptation or "rational choice," I usually must return to the main comparison motivating this study, that of the wool branch, for the most effective controls on sources of variation.
Although my comparative framework at these points allows me to consider and reject specific noncultural explanations for differences in factory customs, I never treat culture as a residual category. That is, in no instance do I assume that a practice unexplainable by economic principles is attributable to culture by default. Nor do I suppose that culture clarifies only the variation that remains after applying economic reasoning. The logic of isolating an important cultural cause of differences in outcomes by considering alternative, economic sources of differentiation in no way implies that culture serves only as a supplement for explaining what is left over.
Although the strategy for ruling out alternative explanations for differences in outcomes follows basic comparative logic, the design of my model follows a line of reasoning specific to cultural analysis. Let me preview some findings to illustrate. German owners and workers viewed employment as the timed appropriation of workers' labor power and disposition over workers' labor activity. In contrast, British owners and workers saw employment as the appropriation of workers' materialized labor via its products.
These divergent assumptions led to differences in the definition of wages, the calculation of costs, rights of employment, disciplinary fines, and the design of factory buildings. Since the manufacturing practices in each country formed a meaningful constellation, my positive argument is configurational, attached to an overarching pattern of techniques rather than to. The Textile Manufacturer of Manchester reported that German textile machine makers before had "built up an export trade of considerable dimensions which meets us in the neutral markets of the world.
True, in the early decades of mechanization after midcentury, the Germans remained dependent on British machine designs in the cotton branch. Textile machine makers in Germany began modifying British makes by the s. Orth, op. The Germans thought even more highly of their equipment.
At the turn of the century, the German Textil-Zeitung said, "We cannot learn anything from the British, for German loom construction absolutely nothing. We are superior to them. This challenges rival explanations to account for an equally broad range of details in German and British factory customs. Configurational analyses of factory practices are best executed through comparisons of single industries. By this means the investigator may scan the entire breadth of the practices of production to discern the significance of consistencies which would otherwise go unnoticed.
This strategy also permits the researcher to contrast solutions to technical problems that are particular to each branch of capitalist enterprise. As signifying practices, manufacturing techniques create a system of signification from the fixtures specific to each kind of commercial undertaking.
It is useless to hold culture constant while varying the economic and technological circumstances—say, by comparing textile and metal factories within the same region—for culture cannot yield uniform effects across industries. For instance, a difference between the fining systems in Germany and Britain was unlikely to appear in industries where a multi-stage production process made the assignment of responsibility for faults impossible or where routine channels for customers to bargain over the price of damaged goods were lacking. In short, the investigator searching for generalities cannot extrapolate from textiles to make inferences about the design of German and British factories across industries as one would extrapolate from a statistical sample.
The shop floor furnishes a literal example of a social institution that can be viewed, as Jean Comaroff once expressed it, as a "meeting ground. But I do not look for uniformities in production methods across businesses in each country. Instead, I search for meaningful analogies in practices within each country, considering the technical environment peculiar to each kind of industry. The parallels across economically dissimilar branches of enterprise rebut many economic explanations for nationally prevailing routines.
Comparative analyses of the influence of culture on factory organization have to date chosen contrasting cases with an eye to maximizing the cultural differences in the cases under review. The first landmark study to compare the effect of national traditions on the development of factory systems, Reinhard Bendix's enduring Work and Authority in Industry , took Victorian Britain and Tsarist Russia for its primary cases. This gave Bendix a. Bendix did not assess the independent contribution of cultural or ideological traditions, as opposed to purely economic and technological variables, in the creation of factory institutions.
In recent years the unmatched performance of Japanese firms in the world market has intensified research into the historical origins of their system of industrial relations. The pioneering analyses, such as those by Ronald Dore and Robert Cole, have suffered from the same inability to disentangle cultural and economic influences.
They have compared Japan with structurally dissimilar cases such as Britain and the United States. In his comparison of Japanese and American employment practices, Cole argues that Japanese employers required a tradition of group loyalty to establish their system of permanent company employment. They used this ideology at the beginning of the century as a means of parrying workers' objections to lifetime dependence on a single employer. In the absence of a comparison with an. His selection of cases invites a host of economic explanations for differences between British and Russian factories, based on severe contrasts between their business and technical environments—such as the availability of skilled labor or reliance on a permanent urban work force.
Bendix himself lends credence to conventional economic deductions about the pattern of industrial relations when he acknowledges that the Russian company towns, from which he draws much of his evidence, closely resembled communities the British employers established under similar economic circumstances in isolated villages of dependent colonies p. Dore's original study constructed a dual set of arguments to explain the differences between British and Japanese forms of industrial enterprise in the electrical industry. On the one hand, it attributed their differences in work relations and methods of supervision to dissimilarities in the countries' cultural emphases upon individual versus group achievement, to variation in familial values, and to the extent of popular acceptance of the authority exercised by economic elites.
On the other hand, Dore connected the differences in work organization to contrasts in the world-economic epochs from which they emerged. By his account, late-industrializing Japan institutionalized its factory practices under economic circumstances that objectively favored the initiation of its lifetime employment systems, for example. After noting some of the congruences between his two lines of causal reasoning, Dore declined to evaluate the relative weight or respective usefulness of the cultural and economic modes of analysis.
The same comparative strategy and indecision between these two lines of argument recurs in his more recent book, Taking Japan Seriously London: Athlone Press, , pp. From Cole's evidence an analyst could conclude just as readily that the needs of capital reinvigorated and sustained an older ideology as that the ideology steered the direction of institutional development. Since publication of these benchmark comparative studies, advances in comparative description of manufacturing institutions have not taken on the task of delineating with precision culture's separate, systematic effect in the development of workplace organization.
A more recent study by Shojiro Ujihara likewise outlines the economic preconditions for the vivification of paternalistic tradition. Shojiro Ujihara, "Essai sur la transformation historique des pratiques d'emploi et des relations professionnelles au Japan," Sociologie du travail Volume 33, Number 1 , p. Japanese scholars have also stressed the extraordinary economic conditions in Japan as a cause by itself of the development of a distinctive work ethic.
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Marc Maurice recently outlined an admirably sophisticated strategy of cross-national comparison. Maurice seeks to identify a national influence upon the construction of work practices but defines this effect primarily in terms of the context of societal institutions for certification and training. Press, Howard Kimeldorf's comparison of the dock workers' union movements on the East versus the West Coast of the United States is founded on similar work institutions but contrasting economic settings, given the differences in the supply of labor.
Reds or Rackets? Berkeley: University of California Press, , p. Budde and Geert Hofstede have both measured important national differences in the exercise of authority and in the principles of interpersonal conduct in formal organizations. Budde, J. Child, A. Francis, and A. In France, Crozier emphasized, individuals' preference for avoiding face-to-face authority relations and their reticence about creating solidary peer groups correlated with an emphasis in French bureaucracies on the indirect exercise of highly centralized authority through impersonal rules.
Whether the organizational structures adapted to the economic context and then created this distinctive culture of interpersonal interaction, or whether they reflected this culture from the start is a question Crozier never tried to resolve. The key issues that must be resolved to specify the effective role of culture have been debated most sensitively in the fast-developing field of labor history. To illuminate the creation of new institutions of work and the development of workers' collective movements, labor historians have devoted increasing attention to the face of culture among both workers and employers.
Yet in the main their strategies of research are not designed to respond adequately to the question addressed by this book: whether we can demonstrate and specify culture's independent effect upon the construction of factory practices. The inextinguishable starting point for pondering culture's effect remains E. This work, which once served as a charter for cultural inquiries, demonstrated that workers did not acquire a shared class consciousness in early nineteenth-century Britain only in response to the degradation of labor and the rise of factories; workers also depended upon the peculiar legacy of Radical political discourse, carried originally by middle-class shopkeepers and small tradespeople.
Crozier emphasizes at some points that organizational structures adapt to economic circumstances. The pattern of bureaucracy in the United States, he claims, "corresponds to a large extent to the general evolution of industrial society. It established the foundation of change to which workers responded. Culture—in this instance primarily meaning the legacy of political ideas—intervened to mediate workers' reactions to capitalist development. Thompson's argument rested on circumscription: he showed that new economic conditions, typified by the steam engine and textile mill, did not suffice to explain the emergence of class consciousness.
Having limited the domain of economic explanation, he celebrated the mysterious indeterminacy of human "agency," for he believed it sufficient for his purpose that culture serve as an indispensable ingredient in workers' responses. This approach in The Making , even if it served at moments only as a device for framing the narrative, has fallen to an objection in principle: it implicitly assumes that workers have an anterior experience of socioeconomic conditions to which popular culture and political discourse respond.
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The powerful critiques of Gareth Stedman Jones, Patrick Joyce, and Joan Scott have made it commonplace to emphasize instead that culture and language are constitutive of and, in this sense, prior to social and economic experience. In any sequence of change, the number of causes that are necessary for an outcome considered in all its concreteness is unlimited. The issue is not whether cultural components represent necessary ingredients, for almost everything is worthy of that designation; it is, rather, whether cultural elements have an independent and specifiable contribution apart from the influence of other factors.
Do they carry a strong, systematic effect which justifies concentrating on them in their own right? Analysts who discount the prominence Thompson lent to culture may justifiably contend that if he probed economic or demographic variables more deeply, the indeterminacy in workers' responses, which he attributed to community culture, would taper off.
Of course, Thompson's own evidence implies that the economy becomes an historical force only as it enters into human experience. He shows that the earnings of the proud artisans, the prices of tools and bread in the countryside, and even wage differentials in the new mechanical. But in this line of reasoning, too, culture appears as an ingredient whose independent, structuring influence is undemonstrated. The underlying forces of market and technological development might still carry the exclusive principles configuring social change or the form of stability; after all, the "moral economy" of the community eroded as required for the furtherance of capitalist development.
The ideal of a "moral economy" was revived periodically so long as it fulfilled a strategic function: in times of crisis it facilitated price bargaining among the common people, the gentry, traders, and local authorities. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the confluence of interests supporting the fiction of a moral economy disappeared. For a discussion of Thompson's more recent work, see p. Food rioters requested in advance official permission to fix prices by riot, an occurrence which makes the riot appear as a controlled and institutionalized bargaining strategy.
John G. Joyce shows that workers in the textile communities of the north of England embraced factory life by identifying with their employers. Workers subscribed to folk stories about the family owners, shared membership in religious organizations with employers, and saw the mill and the collective celebrations it sponsored as the epitome of the community. The traditions of deference, religious association, and local attachment called into play for this accommodation in late Victorian Britain were invigorated and manipulated to suit the needs of capital.
Despite the richness of his cultural portrait, Joyce's evidence in Work, Society and Politics could support the view that community culture had a coherence of its own while it remained subservient in practice to economic requirements. No wonder Michael Burawoy uses Joyce's evidence to emphasize the subjection of culture to the structure of the labor process. The Politics of Production London: Verso, , pp. In his more recent examinations of nineteenth-century British workers' representations of the moral community, Joyce shows that popular concepts are not deducible from the logic of capitalism and do not "reflect" an anterior reality Visions , op.
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Even if these symbols emerge through a distinctive discursivelineage and draw upon themes unrelated to the economic categories of capitalism, they may nonetheless be selected, maintained, and indirectly appropriated by the supposedly "instrumental" logic of the marketplace. More recently, William Reddy has transformed the debate on culture's influence by tracing the development of market orientations themselves as cultural forms. In pathbreaking investigations focused upon French textile production, Reddy has demonstrated that dynamic networks of production and distribution in prerevolutionary France promoted the growth of the industry without a model of free market exchange.
Only after the Great Revolution did the ideal of pure market transactions, promulgated initially by intellectual elites, gradually became part of economic agents' self-understanding. It ignored overwhelming rigidities in the merchandizing of labor power, and it excluded the human interest in honor and autonomy which could not be extinguished in the production process. Yet the model became an effective prescription. It led employers to oversimplify points of contention with workers into plain monetary exchanges and thereby complicated the resolution of labor conflicts.
The present study maintains Reddy's emphasis on the cultural construction of economic categories but fully historicizes these forms of practice and experience. In Reddy's narrative, at moments of crisis employers are forced to adopt the postulates of "market culture" to improve production. For example, to cope with mounting commercial challenges in the first half of the nineteenth century, they imagined that they appropriated, not simply a worker's output, but a labor service over which they claimed jurisdiction.
When they imposed more exacting rate schedules on mule spinners to gauge labor effort, the design was allegedly determined simply by a need to exploit improved machinery. Reddy also stresses, however, that commercial change in the eighteenth century stimulated the development of the cultural model of market society p. But, after all, the book does not bear the title "The Rise of a Market Culture. If we rest a cultural argument on the metathesis that the most general building blocks of market-industrial society, such as cost-accounting and the maximization of returns on investment, are cultural creations,  this does not enable us to explain variation in realized capitalist practice.
The deciding question is not whether market conduct is culturally acquired and reproduced; the purest economic theorist is justified in ignoring this issue as a philosophical point about the origins of the "capitalist" system or its broadest parameters. The true issue of contention is whether cultural forms of explanation account for variation in historical outcomes on the shop floor better than alternative approaches do.
In Reddy's narrative, "market culture" germinates as an intellectual project but disseminates out of practical necessity. The comparative strategy of the present study, by contrast, does not merely assert but demonstrates exactly how the cultural construction of economic concepts configured even inconspicuous parts of instrumental practice by symbolic principles that varied in this study's primary cases of Germany and Britain, as well as in Reddy's case, France. Where, then, may we turn for the theoretical tools to handle such a case demonstration of culture's formative logic upon practice in the factory?
In my view, the specification of culture's independent role in the capitalist labor process remains an open problem in contemporary social theory. The most promising theories on the scene that accept the challenge of demonstrating culture's effect, rather than unconvincingly taking its influence as an a priori necessity, conceive of culture as a practical schema for organizing.
If we examine each in turn, we may clarify the conditions that must be met to demonstrate satisfactorily the independent, constitutive influence of culture upon the organization of practices at the point of production in capitalist society. Culture's influence is contested in social inquiry in part because the leading cultural theorists have not appreciated the challenge before them.
There is, first, the school of analysis that I will call, for lack of a more widely employed term, cultural practice theory , in whose development Pierre Bourdieu has played a celebrated role. Although Bourdieu has scarcely applied his approach to the analysis of the capitalist factory, he has established a baseline for discussion of the symbolic and material dimensions of economic conduct.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to suggest why his approach does not address the guiding question of this book—and why; perhaps, it should. Bourdieu's work is intended to overcome the contest between cultural and purely utilitarian accounts of the development of social institutions which divides contemporary theory. The utilitarian approach, consecrated anew in the currently fashionable theories of "rational choice," would explain the visible social order as the outcome of the well-considered activity of individuals pursuing their interests as best they can.
But adherents of cultural forms of explanation insist that the process by which agents pursue their interests must be situated within a broader perspective upon the operation of human agency and reason. Before people set out in pursuit of their interests, they require an order of cultural symbols that establishes for them a relation to the world. The concepts on which agents rely to accomplish this are an historical product whose constitution and development follow a discipline of their own.
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Cultural forms of explanation need not exclude the play of. Thus is initiated the cycle of debate between cultural and utilitarian varieties of social explanation. For just as culture can inaugurate the terms for the exercise of instrumental reason, so instrumental reason can establish the conditions for the development of culture. The rational choice theorist may admit that the horizon for agents' conduct is momentarily fixed for them by collective traditions. The question then becomes, what are the forces that lend such a system of shared insights and concepts its distinctive shape?
Its formations, too, may follow from simple strategic logic, and its defining features may represent a convenient adaptation to the circumstances of action. Bourdieu tries to overturn several of the distinctions on which this debate between cultural and purely utilitarian modes of explanation has been founded. Like rational choice theorists, he underscores the agents' unceasing manipulation of their symbolic and material environments.
But he contends that agents' strategies are not purely means chosen for the pursuit of interests. The strategies are patterned by implicit principles governing perception and action that are transmitted to the agents by their prior life circumstances in society. The long-term acquisition of these skills enables the agents to compete against others, but in so doing the agents do not rationally follow preestablished interests. They are guided by implicit know-how, and they find themselves dedicated to the very practices through which the competition takes place.
The wide variety of ecological explanations are explored in John G. Political scientists, ever the philosophers of cynical reason, have also treated culture as a byproduct from the rational pursuit of self-advantage. They have emphasized that political entrepreneurs may manipulate forms of cultural identity in order to create and sustain political alliances between disparate groups. Their stress upon the malleability of culture in the pursuit of self-interest results in a less naturalistic appreciation of culture than that of reductionist anthropologists such as Harris.
These political scientists do not treat culture as if it were an adaptation to the physical environment or to the true state of things-as-they-are, but their moral for human society remains the same: culture represents a dependent tool of utilitarian practice. For a survey of the application of rational choice theory to the formation of political identities, see David D. Bourdieu's insistence that agents organize manufacturing and other kinds of practices in accordance with acquired schemata seems congenial to cultural forms of explanation. But he also suggests that these acquired schemata are "durably inculcated by objective conditions.
Bourdieu adds a proviso that the agents' dispositions do not mechanically mirror social structures. Rather, the agents' prior locations in the social structure decide how they will appropriate and respond to structural conditions of the moment. What is more, since Bourdieu views culture as a creation of practice, he insists that it has only partial coherence as a system of meaning. To his mind, cultural principles exist only in the process of getting things done. Their operation appears fuzzy and inarticulable in the light of contemplative reason. Bourdieu's emphasis on culture's inextricability from the ongoing life of practice enjoins us against representing culture as an intellectually coherent structure with a systematic effect of its own.
Yet Bourdieu's refusal to define culture's own structural effects leads him in his histories to embrace economistic explanations that he denies in his theories. In Distinction , his wide-ranging investigation of contemporary tastes in France, Bourdieu takes care to show that the dispositions of persons in the working class appear to follow a popular logic of their own but actually reflect the force of economic necessity.
He claims, for instance, that "it is possible to deduce popular tastes for the foods that are simultaneously the most 'filling' and most economical from the necessity of reproducing labor power at the lowest cost which is forced on the pro-. Neil J. In his model, only economic or institutional circumstances or the agents' transversal of such circumstances over time offer a specifiable foundation for explanation.
Culture is a marker, often misrecognized, of the true arrangement of things. It serves as a model of society, not as a model for society's creation. In sum, Bourdieu's work grants culture a prominent but analytically dependent role. To be sure, in Distinction Bourdieu makes the survival of the capitalist system dependent upon culture's ability to mystify and legitimate inequality. But if culture serves as a conduit for the expression of economic power, it does not thereby gain independent influence upon the development of institutions or upon historic change.
Likewise, the culinary styles of other class strata develop from the commercial value of the food preparers' time and from the ethic of deferred or immediate gratification that is instilled by their occupational position. Logic , p. He can thus avoid pondering the character of the fit between French culture and the economy, of why certain symbolic goods and practices prevail in France, whereas different ones arise in countries with analytically similar economies. Bourdieu's cross-societal comparisons are limited to gross contrasts between traditional and modern social formations, which protects the implicit reduction of culture to social structure.
Certainly Ann Swidler's presentation of a new research agenda in her incisive essay "Culture in Action. Unlike Bourdieu, Swidler does not insist that culture corresponds to the objective institutional environment. But neither does she demonstrate that different cultural complexes can survive in similar structural settings. To the contrary, she emphasizes that institutions distribute resources to decide which cultural ideas will be sustained in the body social. What is more, her definition of culture as a set of skills separates the effectivity of culture from the conventions of an autonomous system of signs.
In her view, the capacities that comprise culture are learned rules of purposive action. As for Bourdieu, so for Swidler it is not essential to focus on the mediation of the environment by a set of symbols: the cultural competencies may represent a common-sensical correlate to the surroundings, asis demonstrated in Swidler's exposition of the culture of poverty. For these reasons, her framework makes it difficult to isolate the independent influence of a symbolic schema upon instrumental conduct p.
Sherry Ortner's initial formulation of practice theory also emphasized this approach's relative disinterest in isolating culture as an analytically separable domain of social life. Sherry B. Her recent work, however, returns to the issue of culture's own identifiable influence upon action. If a degree of cultural coherence obtains, it must be identified initially by comparing practices themselves—in our case, everyday solutions to similar manufacturing challenges—rather than by comparing discourse about practice.
A second family of theory that attempts to integrate the meaningful and pragmatic dimensions of economic life while preserving the causal autonomy of culture is that of cultural structuralism. The proponents of this approach share an emphasis on culture as a set of signs whose meanings are fixed only differentially, that is, by their relations to all other signs in a hypothesized system. Starting with the premise that meaning inheres in a coherent, overarching structure of signs, these practitioners tend for the sake of analysis to abstract culture from its contextual uses and to think of it as a formal, systematically interrelated series of terms.
Marshall Sahlins is among the distinguished investigators who have applied this specification of culture to the analysis of economic institutions. In Sahlins's Culture and Practical Reason , culture appears to intervene in the same mode in capitalist as in kinship-based social orders: out of an inchoate environment it creates for agents a meaningful order.
Only the content of the cultural forms and the site for the invention of the integrative forms of culture—commercial production versus kinship—appear to vary between these social orders. Douglas emphasizes that the classificatory principles that make up a culture reflect social morphology, but she lends culture a measure of autonomy by insisting that diverse symbolic schemata suit the same social structure. The deviation becomes apparent if we compare his dissection of economies integrated by kinship with those held together by the cash nexus.
For instance, men busy themselves in the extremities of the high seas and the distant bush, whereas women work in the interior lagoon and within the village. By the same scheme, villages where the people are designated as belonging to a "land" group do not angle even when they have access to fishing grounds. These binary distinctions governing production are reiterated in the codes of governance, domestic furnishings, and myth. The logic by which Sahlins demonstrates the economy's dependence upon a symbolic order changes, however, when he turns to "market-industrial society.
No application of Saussurean principle emerges for the living execution of production itself. The focus now is on the operation of culture at a remove, as the agents' application of a cultural code identifies for them the kinds of goods worth manufacturing. In Sahlins's portrayal of the kinship-based society, the divisions of the symbolic order constitute, not just perceptions of production or of goods, nor merely the distribution of particular agents among economic roles, but—the very methods and organization of the production process.
What generates this shift in the way Sahlins attempts to demonstrate culture's effect? Is it attributable merely to the misapplication of an adequate theory? Or is capitalist production resistant in principle to this variety of cultural analysis? The differentiation of symbolic value is mystified as the appropriation of exchange-value. For one question immediately arises: once capitalist manufacture takes account of the cultural valuation of goods, may it follow an unmediated economic logic in their production?
In his more recent studies of Polynesians' contact with Europeans, Sahlins emphasizes that the chiefs' demand for finery by which they could denote their mana obviously helped articulate the Polynesian and European economic systems. The demand for particular European goods and therefore their prices were set by native conceptions of mana. It is theoretically deficient for social investigators who underscore the importance of culture to contend only that culture comprises a necessary ingredient in reconstructing a concrete historical situation.
Culture may still operate as a necessary element in a course of change whose fundamental, underlying logic is that of a pristine "capitalist mode of production. If we oversimplify the task of dissecting the independent contribution of culture to capitalist practice, we subvert the enterprise by making its accomplishment trivial.
Even if an investigator must refer to the categorical distinctions of a culture in order to explain agents' conduct, this set of distinctions may change principally in response to the active, directing logic of market and technological pressures. It is not enough to contend that the distinctions themselves can neither register directly nor reflect the bare material logic of economic circumstance.
For the forces driving—and necessitating—the redefinition and realignment of cultural categories may still be those of economic imperatives, however much the culture registers the. Sahlins's shift from culture at the site of production in kin-based societies to culture in the sphere of exchange in capitalist societies is typical of interpretive analysis. In parallel fashion, Mark Gottdiener has asked whether "ideological mechanisms exist at the foundation of capitalist processes or if they are produced only secondarily by the relations of production to promote accumulation.
But he focuses only on consumption, the circulation of capital, and the reproduction of labor power outside work—not upon the site of manufacture itself. Few social theorists care to assert that culture has no influence whatsoever upon the concrete events of history.
Just as the cultural theorist may accept the actuality though not the unmediated presence of material constraint and instrumental adaptation in history, so the rational choice theorist may acknowledge that the cognition of the maximizing agent depends in part upon the orienting assumptions of a culture.
Although Sahlins's solution is inadequate for the capitalist production process, he has correctly posed the challenge: the issue is not whether culture represents a social force but whether it bears a constitutive and identifiable logic of its own. Die Farben des Films. NIKE-Bulletin, 1 Schneider, Oliver Frankfurt a. Rippmann, Dorothee Geschichte der St. Galler Gegenwart: sozialhistorische Einblicke ins Edited by: Kaiser, Manuel Schober, Sarah-Maria Gesellschaft im Exzess: Mediziner in Basel um Frankfurt: Campus Verlag. Loetz, Francisca Frankfurt: Campus, Kuhn, Marius Cinema, Diecke, Josephine Dommann, Monika In: Kiening, Christian ; Stercken, Martina.
Edited by: Kiening, Christian ; Stercken, Martina Szarka, Eveline Regieren der Migration: von Einwanderungsprozessen und staatlichen Regulierungspolitiken. Albert, Gleb J In: Braune, Andreas ; Dreyer, Michael. Zusammenbruch, Aufbruch, Abbruch? Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, Hodel, Tobias Rezension von: Safiya Umoya Noble, Algorithms of oppresision: how search engines reinforce racism.
Historische Anthropologie, 27 1 Mistireki, Aleksandra. Wohnen und Handwerk im Venedig der Antike. Zur Rekonstruktion eines Hauses und dessen Ausstattung im 4. Historische Perspektiven, Newsletter, 19 Technikgeschichte, 86 1 Hammel, Tanja The politics and production of history on the birth of archaeology at the Cape — Science, Africa and Europe: processing information and creating knowledge. London: Routledge, There's Colour Echle, Evelyn Zeitinsel und Erinnerungsfigur — Grenzlandschaften im jungen arabischen Film. Voronina, Tatjana Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research, 10 3 Steuwer, Janosch Lento, Mattia.
Abbiamo chiamato braccia In: Area, 20, 21 December , p. Digitalisierung an Bibliotheken. Goltermann, Svenja Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 41 4 Scholz, Sebastian Historische Zeitschrift, 3 Stercken, Martina The Alps - and why Switzerland exists: natural borders vs mountain borders.
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Links: Mitgliederzeitung der Sozialdemokratischen Partei der Schweiz, Rakin, Jelena. Wiegand, Daniel Acta universitatis sapientia. Film and media studies, 15 1 Vasella, Lucia Die Erfindung einer Nation - das Beispiel Mazedonien. Heller, Franziska Water and film — fluidity of time and space and its somatic perception. Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Water, 5 6 Digitales Sozialarchiv: historische Gewerkschaftszeitungen online.
Trumpy, Giorgio ; Flueckiger, Barbara Dye purification : an image-processing technique for the digital restoration of chromogenic film. Reiter, Andrea. Trenka, Susie Flashback — Rhapsody in White. Zettl, Nepomuk. PTSD and culture. Boston: Hogrefe Publishing. Teuscher, Simon ; Wild, Reto E. Manche sind noch am Hebel der Macht. In: Migros Magazin, 37, 10 September , p. Roeck, Bernd ; Arens, Christoph. Warum sich der Islam mit Reformen so schwer tut Interview. In: Die Welt, 4 September , p. Cinema e Storia, 7 Torn between chromophobia and colour mania — developments of early Technicolor.
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Swatch first feature award: Alles ist gut [directed by] Eva Trobisch. In: Locarno daily, 71, 11 August , p. Voronina, Tatjana ; Bogumil, Zuzanna Islands of one archipelago: narratives about the Solovetskie Islands and the memory of Soviet repressions. Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research, 10 2 Filmkurzbeschrieb: Malick's nature [The new world].
In: Locarno daily, 71, 7 August , p. Interview: Colorful realities — questions for Sean Baker. Russia's turn to Eurasia: regional and international implications. CSS Policy Perspectives, 6 5 Manifestations of nationalism: the Caucasus from late Soviet times to the early s. Europe-Asia Studies, 70 6 Schweiz: Geschichte der Gegenwart. An Audio-Visual approach to the Spanish transition. Media History, Vor 50 Jahren: der Globuskrawall und sein Umfeld.
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Digital tools for the analysis of film colors. In: SonntagsBlick, 4 March , p. Schweizer Monat, Filmkritik: Call Me by Your Name. In: Gross, Bernhard ; Morsch, Thomas. Handbuch Filmtheorie. Nyffenegger, Lukas Simon Geographica historica, ISBN Bryn Mawr Classical Review:online. Bern: infoclio. Aeschimann, Walter ; Koller, Christian. Die Sportgeschichte zwischen Stammtisch und Hochkultur Interview. In: NZZ, 7 February , p.
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Le foucaldien, 4 1 :online. Typischerweise wird Russland als Opfer dargestellt Interview. Wirth, Christa Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 54 1 Thiermann, Ellen. Die Etrusker. Aus dem Dunkel der Geschichte. In: Koller, Christian ; Marschik, Matthias.
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Bern: Till Schaap Edition, Filmpodium, 11 A material-based approach to the digitization of early film colours. The colour fantastic : chromatic worlds of silent cinema. Amstersdam: Amsterdam University Press, Tremml-Werner, Birgit In: Varriale, Gennaro. Peege, Christina Oxford: Archaeopress Archaeology.
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Building a crowdsourcing platform for the analysis of film color. The Moving Image, 18 1 Christian Metz and the codes of cinema : film semiology and beyond. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Schwedler, Gerald Kanonistische Abteilung, In: Kreuzer, Stefanie ; Durst, Uwe.
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Furnace Lining. In: Peege, Christina. Agia Varvara - Almyras. Oxford, Gangster, dampfende Kessel und die poetische Aneignung transnationaler Erfahrungen mit dem Kino — Walk Cheerfully In: Becker, Andreas. Edited by: Stockhammer, Eve ; Ritzmann, Iris Bern: Till Schaap Edition. Die Dokumentarfilmreihe Berlin — Ecke Bundesplatz. Sonderegger, Stefan Neujahrsblatt, Geschlechtergleichheit als Menschenrecht? In: Birke, Roman ; Sachse, Carola. Menschenrechte und Geschlecht im Jahrhundert: historische Studien.
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Interaktive Webplattform: Timeline of historical film colors. Fuhrmann, Wolfgang ; Uhlmann, Matthias Interview: Cinema expanded —Skandal als Programm. Stercken, Martina ; Kiening, Christian Introduction in: Temporality and mediality in late medieval and early modern culture. In: Stercken, Martina ; Kiening, Christian. Temporality and mediality in late medieval and early modern culture. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, Edited by: Stercken, Martina ; Hesse, Christian September Bologna: Il Mulino, Lameris, Bregt La ligue du noir et blanc : French debates on natural colour film and art cinema — Zinsl, Sandrine Charlot ; Loetz, Francisca Leiden und "Lust" in der Fremdenlegion.
En marge des grands: le football en Belgique et en Suisse. Bern: Peter Lang, Literacy in ancient everyday life. Edited by: Kolb, Anne Berlin: De Gruyter. Literacy in ancient everyday life - problems and results. In: Kolb, Anne. Berlin: De Gruyter, Mapping time at the threshold of modernity. Koller, Christian ; Marschik, Matthias Bruttin, Severin Blum, Philipp Methoden des Eigenen — der Film als sinnlicher Begriff des Films. Film als Forschungsmethode : Produktion — Geschichte — Perspektiven. Bernet, Brigitta Mitbestimmung oder Selbstverwirklichung?
Fuhrmann, Wolfgang Hess, Silvia Morgarten: die Inszenierung eines Ortes. Moving the spectator, dancing with the screen — early dance instruction films and reconfigurations of film spectatorship in the s. Corporeality in early cinema : viscera, skin, and physical form.
Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, Nachahmen im Mittelalter: Dimensionen - Mechanismen - Funktionen. Nationalism and racism in Franco-German controversies about colonial soldiers. In: Wouters, Nico ; van Ypersele, Laurence. Nations, identities and the First World War: shifting loyalties to the fatherland. London: Bloomsbury Academic, Neue Perspektiven auf den schweizerischen Landesstreik vom November Lieberman, Max Staufen and Plantagenets: two empires in comparison. Zey, Claudia Saeculum, 68 2 Dusinberre, Martin Overseas migration, Routledge handbook of modern Japanese history.
Leypold, Christina Maria Werder, Stephanie Perils of cinema? Das Kunst-Bulletin, 11 Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. Reparations, victims, and trauma in the wake of the Holocaust. In: Goda, Norman J W. Rethinking Holocaust justice: essays across disciplines. New York: Berghahn, Medienwissenschaft : Rezensionen, Rezension zu: Arie van Steensel and Justin Colson eds.
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Self-presentation, kitsch, irony — German sound film around Shared affinities and "Kunstwollen" — stylistics of the cinematic image in the s and art theory at the turn of the century in Germany. The image in early cinema : form and material. Spaces for urban drama at the threshold between the Middle Ages and the early modern period.
Urban spaces and the complexity of cities. Caflisch, Sophie. Spielend lernen : Spiel und Spielen in der mittelalterlichen Bildung. In: Rothmann, Michael ; Wittmann, Helge. Reichsstadt und Geld : 5. Februar bis 1. Petersberg: Michael Imhof Verlag, Subjekt — Substanz — Gesellschaft: Sucht nach Handbuch Drogen in sozial- und kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Wege in die digitale Gesellschaft: Computernutzung in der Bundesrepublik Rakin, Jelena Surface and color — stenciling in applied arts, fashion illustration and cinema.
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