Department of State telegram from President John F. Dwight D.
Edward J. Just follow me, Konrad! That you Konrad? The New York Public Library. Konrad Adenauer.
La Democrazia Cristiana ai combattenti e ai lavoratori, radiomessaggio di S. Letter from President John F. Memorandum for President John F. Kennedy from C. A wish? A necessity! DE Deutsche Welle. President John F. Kennedy And Dr. Eisenhower Library. Professor Dr. Richard J. Schenectady NY - Dr.
Thomas Rachel - BMBF
Konrad Adenauer, Jr. William Saupe, manager of the Steam Turbine and Generator Department, explains construction of the giant turbine shaft shown. The central task of politics, on the other hand, is to forge a working government. Fundamentally weakened, the Left — as a formation even more than as a party — are perhaps the biggest losers of the election. The entrance of the AfD and the FDP into the Bundestag has caused the Republic to swing massively to the right; the mathematical possibility of a red-red-green coalition is, for the foreseeable future, zero.
The unwillingness of the SPD, the Greens and Die Linke throughout the entire Merkel era to consider an alliance has now returned to haunt them. At the moment, however, it is far from certain that Social Democracy still has a future. One need only look at France, Greece or Holland: social democratic parties are being defeated across the board. The same thing is now threatening to happen to the SPD. Completely burned out after fifteen years of coalition in two decades, the SPD urgently needs a period of regeneration in opposition.
The whole party could do with an overhaul, a new start both in personnel and policy. However, the SPD will first need to acclimatize to its role as opposition leader, especially since Die Linke are used to acting as a tough opposition. To be genuinely successful, the SPD must again represent a genuine political alternative. Only then can it make a credible claim to post of chancellor in the future.
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Since the SPD no longer has a left wing of note, the entire Left needs to be on board. Shared time in opposition must be used to finally clarify the relationship between the parties of the Left. They must learn the bitter lesson of recent years and move from mutual antagonism to mutual cooperation.
In the last twenty years, the tragedy of the Left — the fraternal feud of the first half of the twentieth century — has repeated itself as farce. After this historic election, politics is confronted with a double integration task.
Four in a row for Merkel: Germany at the crossroads
Inwardly, in order to defend democracy and provide an effective remedy to the increasing anger and dissatisfaction in the country, which is the main reason for the election success of the AfD. And outwardly, in order to guarantee the future of the EU in these globally highly dramatic times. The Merkel era will also be judged according to these two criteria.
Both the crisis of German democracy and the crisis of the European Union are the legacies of the policies of the last three Merkel governments. Angela Merkel will also be judged politically on the basis of how far she meets the central challenge of continuing along the path of European unity in the tradition of Adenauer and Kohl and, if possible, making this irrevocable.
Currently, the possibility clearly exists of reviving the German—French axis in partnership with Emmanuel Macron. The dilemma is that in order to solve the European crisis alongside a hopefully resurgent France, what is urgently needed is a government capable of action. However, continuing the grand coalition would risk the very existence of the SPD. That is why the SPD leadership will find it much harder to raise support among its membership for another grand coalition.
This is another reason why the decision to enter opposition was entirely consistent. Evidently, we are in a historic period of transition. For the first time ever, a three-party coalition will be necessary or four-party coalition if you count the CSU as an independent party, which one clearly needs to do. Speaking against Jamaica at this precise moment is the fact that all four parties are currently highly unstable.
Because of these massive reservations, all three parties will go into coalition talks demanding the maximum, even though a coalition of such breadth will depend on all sides conceding the maximum. So will new elections end up being inevitable? That would be one solution to the problem, but certainly not the best one.
However, when none of the classical coalitions work any more, then new ways must be found to lend a government the necessary legitimacy. That is why the previously unthinkable will need to be thought about — for example, a Scandinavian-type minority government under Angela Merkel. The chancellor would then have to find majorities on each issue, which would at least mean a re-politicization.
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In any case, all the democratic parties, as well as all German citizens, will need to be much more innovative when it comes to defending parliamentary democracy. Its frontrunners in Europe are no longer in government only in Hungary and Poland. They are also in the German Bundestag.