Faced with an extra-European enemy the imperial powers united in an unprecedented fashion and dispatched an army that suppressed the rebellion. The Social Darwinist cultures of imperialism were rooted in different national and social traditions. Pro-colonial movements used a variety of arguments to promote national expansion.
Colonies were regarded as necessary because they offered access to raw materials and could serve as outlets for domestic industries, arguments that were used especially in times of economic crises. Other motivations for expanding overseas-empires were based on more traditional forms of nationalism : colonies were seen as objects of national prestige.
Especially in the Italian and German cases, historians have debated the significance of social imperialism, the idea that imperial expansion served as a means to calm domestic and social problems and to unify the nation. Before the s the British Empire was mainly based on trade. British economic elites had developed an outlook that has been described as gentlemanly capitalism. It was the conservative Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli who successfully embraced social imperialist arguments. In his famous speech in the Crystal Palace on 24 June , Disraeli celebrated the British Empire as a source of prestige and defended it against critics.
He accused the Liberals of undermining the empire by thinking purely in financial and material terms and by forgetting about issues such as greatness, pride, and respect for the world. In many cases, Christian missionaries also supported imperialist ideas and colonial expansion.
In general the missionaries were Janus-faced. On the one hand, they preached the gospel and tried to protect the indigenous populations from cruelties committed by colonial authorities and conquerors. Many scandals about the suppression, mistreatment or massacre of native populations in the colonies became publicized in Europe because missionaries used their contacts in the press and with individual members of parliaments.
On the other hand, missions and missionaries often welcomed colonial occupation, since the protection by colonial military authorities was the only way to reach unknown and often dangerous regions in the African interior, such as the Congo. In some cases this was purely cynical colonial propaganda, but this concept also served as a powerful ideological framework to proclaim not only European technical and military superiority, but also cultural superiority.
It was the destiny of the white races to lift up mankind and to bring the lights of civilization even to the darkest places of the world.
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Public opinion created a pro-imperialist mood that contributed to the worsening of relations among the Great Powers before Strong and effective colonial pressure groups pushed for colonial and informal imperialist expansion. Some examples show how governments, both those democratically elected and not, lost any room for diplomatic maneuvering because of public opposition to certain beliefs.
The important role of pro-colonial pressure groups can already be seen in the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of From the German perspective, this Anglo-German agreement was a success; Germany acquired the island of Heligoland, which was of enormous strategic importance, in exchange for the African island of Zanzibar, which it hardly controlled. However, this treaty caused public protest in Germany and led to the foundation of the Pan-German League Alldeutscher Verband , which later became a small but very influential pro-colonial and hyper-nationalist pressure group.
The Pan-Germans played both a destructive and a decisive role in domestic politics. Many members came from the intellectual bourgeoisie and from right wing liberal elites: many professors, teachers, intellectuals and journalists joined the league or sympathized with it. After the turn of the century the Pan-Germans took over anti-Semitic and hyper-nationalist arguments and became a kind of intellectual clearing center for racist, imperialist, and nationalist ideas. Today, historians agree that the famous Kruger telegram, sent by Wilhelm II, German Emperor to the president of the Republic of South Africa after the failure of the British Jameson raid in , was a severe diplomatic mistake.
The German emperor surrendered his neutrality and symbolically joined the Boers against British South Africa when it was not necessary. However, the German public welcomed this step. Likewise, several strong anti-British propaganda campaigns created popular support for the freedom-fight of the Boers among the German public, using anti-British propaganda and comparing the struggle to that between David and Goliath.
At the same time, neither the German nor the British government was interested in worsening bilateral diplomatic relations because of the Boer question. However, both governments were facing enormous difficulties trying to calm the press in their respective countries.
Comparable problems appeared repeatedly in the decade before Although the British government favored a compromise solution, British support for the railway in the Ottoman Empire became impossible due to the public outcry against it. Arguments against British participation were soon adopted by several members of Parliament. George Ernest Morrison , correspondent of The Times in Beijing, initiated anti-German press campaigns and even demanded a preventive war against Germany in because of informal German imperialism in China.
He was convinced that a major European war with Germany as a main aggressor was bound to occur, no matter what the British government did to appease Berlin. In Italy, beginning in the s public opinion also contributed to the creation of a pro-imperialist and expansionist mood. The Liberal Party had thus far been unable to form a homogenous nation state, although the unification of the country had already started in the s.
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The creation of an Italian empire in Africa seemed to be a means both of distracting critics at home from discussing domestic problems and of creating a unifying feeling. However, this failed when the Italian colonial army suffered a disastrous and humiliating defeat by the independent state of Ethiopia in According to Paul Kennedy, economic imperialism and the Anglo-German trade rivalry were crucial factors leading to the emergence of the Anglo-German antagonism, which contributed to the outbreak of World War I.
One has to distinguish between the objective figures on the one hand and the perceived situation on the other. In relative terms, in the two decades before one can talk about a British decline and a German rise in export economies. For British Social Darwinists and nationalists, this development was identical to decline. However, this view did not capture the reality of economic developments.
Germany remained an important market for British goods and vice versa. In Germany was in fact the second biggest market for British exports and re-exports. Especially in imperial affairs, German and British traders and bankers often cooperated quite successfully; at the same time, German banks had to compete with other German firms, while British banks had to deal with British competition.
Unlike the British or French colonies, economically the German colonial empire was not important for the mother country. It was also of little significance for the rising tensions between the European Great Powers prior to the First World War. In Neo-Rankean terminology, used both by contemporary diplomats and by diplomatic historians, states acted as subjects and consequently the economy was nationalized. However, economic imperialism followed its own rules, which in some cases fit with the respective national political interests but did not necessarily have to.
The intricate diplomatic and political problems caused by economic expansion are illustrated by the example of the famous Baghdad Railway project. Since the late s German banks, especially the Deutsche Bank, had been active in Turkish affairs and in financing several Turkish railway enterprises.
At the turn of the century the position of German firms was so strong that one can refer to certain regions of Turkey as parts of a German economic informal empire. The government of the Ottoman Empire tried to persuade the German bankers to extend the already existing railway lines to Baghdad and the Persian Gulf, mainly for strategic reasons. However, as mentioned above, in these ideas met with British resistance, as this line would have been the fastest route to India and would have been controlled by German firms.
Before financial imperialism very often remained multinational despite governmental attempts to nationalize it. Banks viewed these projects as commercial opportunities and were unconcerned with national prestige. Governments acted within the frame of the nation state or empire and often tried to further national expansion.
Multinational firms and banks, however, were confronted with the challenge of economic globalization and had to act internationally if they wanted to expand overseas. Until London remained the financial clearing center of the world and the London stock exchange was the most important place for all kinds of transactions. The gold standard guaranteed stable exchange rates, and internationally the pound sterling was the most accepted currency for bills of exchange.
In private a banker or trader could have been a hardcore nationalist, but if he wanted to earn money he had to act internationally. In a couple of cases economic investments could spur imperial conflicts. Governments could claim to protect or defend investments that were threatened by an indigenous state or an imperial competitor. Examples include the bankruptcies of Egypt and the Ottoman Empire and the Venezuelan debt crisis, which started at the end of the 19 th century. For European firms this classical form of financial imperialism was much more effective than direct rule.
During the s and s in Egypt, several disputes between the French and the British caused tensions. For the British, the German support was crucial. After internal uprisings and civil war, the Venezuelan government was unable to pay back its foreign debts. A British-German-Italian naval blockade escalated as German cruisers provoked skirmishes. These military events alarmed the United States, which feared that the Monroe Doctrine would be violated.
However, even if informal and financial imperialism contributed to the worsening of relations between certain states during this first wave of globalization between the s and , during this period close economic ties and global financial networks were also created.
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They were convinced that countries would not risk destroying the global economic system. They strongly believed that the destruction of the close connections in finance and trade, which would be the result of a great war among the European powers, would lead to a global economic disaster. As World War I showed, this opinion was correct. Between and the British government tried to improve Anglo-German relations through economic imperialism. After the failure of the famous Haldane Mission in , British statesmen looked for objectives outside of Europe for which there could be compromise solutions with Germany.
The extremely difficult negotiations for the Baghdad Railway were successfully finished in the spring of Additionally, in the treaty partitioning the Portuguese colonies , the British accepted huge German colonial acquisitions in Africa at the expense its traditional ally, Portugal. In the same year German banks and firms created economic zones of interest using railway projects and chartered companies in southern Angola and in the north of Mozambique.
By the summer of , economically the two regions were firmly in the hands of the Germans and could have been annexed under the pretext of a violation of German interests by Portuguese authorities. This example shows that both Africa and smaller European states like Portugal were simply pawns for the European Great Powers. At the same time, economic imperialism could be used as a means to defuse political tensions.
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Even if in some cases a strong British-German trade rivalry existed, the reaction of leading bankers and economists interested in imperial projects showed that they were not interested in going to war with one another. Karl Helfferich — was one of the most nationalist German bankers and as a director of the Deutsche Bank was responsible for the Baghdad Railway. I suppose Germany, our best customer, will be beaten.
And what then? The third part of this article deals with diplomacy and imperialism. This term remains popular but is misleading. The European orchestra played without a conductor and without clearly accepted rules of international law. If there was anything like a system it was organized and held together by the governments of the Great Powers, which followed their own interests and jealously prevented other states from becoming too strong or reaching a hegemonic position.
Since the end of the Napoleonic Wars, disputes over colonial or imperial issues had not escalated to the point where peace in Europe was threatened. This was in large part because conflicts did not touch on interests that the European powers regarded as vital. A few exceptions, such as the Fashoda Crisis of , which nearly led to war between France and Britain, and the Second Moroccan Crisis , which will be discussed later, prove the rule. However, disputes at the so-called periphery could strongly influence the competition between the Great Powers in Europe and could lead them to redefine their interests in Europe.
As quoted in The Reader's Digest , Vol. If there were in the world today any large number of people who desired their own happiness more than they desired the unhappiness of others, we could have a paradise in a few years. As quoted in Think , Vol. After all, I may be wrong. When asked asked if he was willing to die for his beliefs. The Times book of quotations , p. I believe in my outrage knowing people are living in boxes on the street.
I believe in honesty. I believe in a good time. I believe in good food. I believe in sex. No known source; also attributed to Susan Sarandon. I am neither as drunk as a Lord, nor as sober as a judge. I am more in the condition of a Lord Justice. Misattributed [ edit ] Better red than dead. Bertrand Russell , attributes this phrase to 'West German friends of peace' but adopted this slogan for the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament he helped found  William Safire, Safire's Political Dictionary, p.
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Imagine there's no countries, It isn't hard to do, Nothing to kill or die for, No religion too, Imagine all the people living life in peace You may say I'm a dreamer, but I'm not the only one, I hope some day you'll join us, And the world will be as one. The lives and writings of the mystics of all great religions bear witness to religious experiences of great intensity, in which considerable changes are effected in the quality of consciousness. Profound absorption in prayer or meditation can bring about a deepening and widening, a brightening and intensifying, of consciousness, accompanied by a transporting feeling of rapture and bliss.
The contrast between these states and normal conscious awareness is so great that the mystic believes his experiences to be manifestations of the divine; and given the contrast, this assumption is quite understandable. Mystical experiences are also characterized by a marked reduction or temporary exclusion of the multiplicity of sense-perceptions and restless thoughts. This relative unification of mind is then interpreted as a union or communion with the One God. The psychological facts underlying those religious experiences are accepted by the Buddhist and are well-known to him; but he carefully distinguishes the experiences themselves from the theological interpretations imposed upon them.