She currently lives and teaches in New York City. She currently lives and teaches in San Francisco. Willians da Silva Marques . Jorge Luiz de Freitas . Alexandre Tarso . Francisco Alves Filho . Junio Cesar Marques da Costa . Luiz Fernando Pereira Monteiro .
Eberson Chaves Pereira . Unless noted above, data for the table came from: . The green cord signifies the consolidation of apprenticeship. The purple cord signals that the capoeirista has begun to overcome the physical, psychological, and spiritual pain of learning capoeira and defending its ideals. The red cord symbolizes justice. At this level, the capoeirista acquires an understanding of responsibility; he or she is expected to strive for justice in conducting his work and making her decisions.
The "Diamond" is the hardest and most resilient mineral. It reflects all colors and all colors are united in white. All attributes will be concentrated in this one person. Almeida, Birra "Mestre Acordeon" Capoeira: A Brazilian Art Form. Berkeley: North Atlantic Books. New York: Routledge. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Abada. Further information: Mestre Camisa.
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Belgium . Portugal . A escrita da Historia. A origem dos Deuses. Mourao, Fernando Augusto Albuquerque. A Sociedade Angolana atraves da Literatura. O Oriente como invengao do Ocidente. Regina Claro e mestre em Historia pela Universidade de Sao Paulo Brasil , pesquisadora de historia e literatura africana de expressao portuguesa, e autora de livros infanto-juvenis com tematica africana.
The main purpose of this essay is to define the peculiarities of Angolan urban society and trace its evolution during the second half of the nineteenth century, a lapse of time marked by relative freedom — due to the economic crisis affecting Portugal from the definitive abolition of slavery and to the social and artistic progressive reformer impulse pro- moted by the Generation of This made possible the establishment in Luanda of lively journalistic activity and the production of a literary corpus — principally written by traders, soldiers, public officers, and landowners, born in Africa and tied both to their European and African origins, which witnessed the growth of a feeling of dissatisfaction destined to culminate in a heterogeneous set of open claims for autonomy or even independence.
This article investigates a segment of Angolan history and literature with which non-Portuguese-speaking readers are generally not familiar, for its main purpose is to define the features and the literary production of what are conventionally called Creole elites, whose contribution to the early manifes- tations of dissatisfaction towards colonial rule was patent between and , a period of renewed Portuguese commitment to its African colonies, but also of unrealised ambitions, economic crisis and socio-political upheaval in Angola and in Portugal itself.
As well as their wealth, derived from the functions per- formed in the colonial administrative, commercial, and custom apparatus, their European-influenced culture and habits clearly distinguished them from the broad population of black African peasants and farm workers. In order to expand its control over the region, Portugal desperately needed the support of this kind of non-colonizer urban elite, which was also used as an assimilating force, or better as a source of dissemination of a relevant model of social behav- iour.
Until the nineteenth century, great Creole merchants and inland chiefs dealt in captive slaves, bound for export to Brazil via Sao Tome e Principe and the Cape Verde islands. The tribal aristocracy and the Creole bourgeoisie thrived on the profits of overseas trade and used to live in style, consuming large quan- tities of imported alcoholic beverages and wearing fashionable European clothes. In the early twentieth century, however, their social and economic posi- tion was eroded by an influx of petty merchants and bureaucrats from Portugal who wished to grasp the commercial and employment opportuni- ties created by a new and modern colonial order, anxious to keep up with other European colonial powers engaged in the partition of the African con- tinent.
They were fully aware of the fact that their past function as a link between the few rulers sent from the metropolis and the African inland tribes was indispensable to the perpetration of the colonial system, and that the system guaranteed them a privileged condition as well as exposure to European culture. On the other hand, they were thwarted by the impossibility of achieving the highest social standing in their own homeland. Moreover, the literary production that flourished during those years is generally dismissed as minor colonial literature or, at best, celebrated by the apologists of the colonial empire as the outcome and evidence attesting to the existence of a multicultural, intellectual, Creole elite, originating in proverbial and overrated Portuguese plasticity.
According to this reasoning, the idealized pervasive practice of interracial marriage was irrefutable proof indicating a total absence of racism among the Portuguese. It is no surprise that the end of the colonial period coincided with a call to reafricanize the new political elites governing Angola and with the banish- ment of any kind of syndrome evoking Lusitanity, let alone the recognition of the intellectual vibrancy and legitimacy of a distinct Creole perspective. Pepetela was born and raised in the colonial society as a white Angolan, but this did not prevent him from joining the national struggle for freedom against the Portuguese Yaka is his novel portraying the Benguela Creole society from the end of the nineteenth century to the eve of indepen- dence.
An exacerbated defence of Africanness would equally exclude from Angolan literature the commitment of some contemporary writers aiming to piece together this important but neglected phase of Angolan history, such as Jose Eduardo Agualusa and Arnaldo Santos. In any case, as noticed by Cosme in his essay Crioulos e Brasileiros de Angola , at the present time any memory other than the genuinely black African one can hardly be appreci- ated in Angola. This attitude seems to be confirmed by the demolition in of the pri- mary emblem of the Creole past dating back to the nineteenth century: She was a slave trader, rich from the fortunes of ships, fazendas , and buildings owned both in Brazil and Angola, and an authentic patroness of Creole society until her death in The claims of autonomy and independence expressed at a time of pro- found changes affecting Portuguese society and colonial policies during the period examined were the expression of just a tiny fragment of Angolan urban society.
They were involved in the slave trade and deeply integrated into the colonial system, to which they supplied the subordinate administra- tive body of the province and the middle and low ranks of the armies sent to fight in the countless Guerras Pretas [Black Wars] waged by Portugal to sub- due unruly and rebellious tribes. Moreover, their demands were not direct evidence of an original sprouting of national consciousness as much as they were inspired by the echoes of the liberal ideals that could reach, covertly packed below deck, the harbours of Luanda and Benguela through the mer- chant ships proceeding from Brazil or Europe, ideals that were often assimi- lated in a quite disorderly and confused way.
It is also evident that the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of the country were completely excluded from the formulation of these claims, and that the same happened for the concept of the country itself. This first wave of dissidence was most assuredly born and raised inside the colonial milieu itself and was promoted by a local and heterogeneous urban social stratum that embraced and opposed at the same time both their European and African background.
For the first time, the protagonists of the resistance against Portuguese penetration were cheered as heroes Cruz e Silva I mean that all of us were aware of the gen- eration belonging to the final part of the last century and its cultural expres- sion, be it political or simply literary. My father, for example, owned all the books, Voz de Angola clamando no deserto among them and all the old articles published in the Luso-Brazilian Almanac.
These ideas are also a starting point for a more extensive reflection about the effective meaning, at least as far as Portuguese colonial and postcolonial studies are concerned, of paradigmatic categories such as cultural, linguistic, and racial hybridism or of the concept of Creoleness, for they are the expres- sion of a transcultural, autochthonous society emerging in urban or semi- urban spaces and characterized by the fusion of distinct migratory streams. An abrupt definition of all poetry and fiction written in Angola before as simply colonialist, exotic and assimilationist overseas literature, retaining only aspects such as alienation, descriptiveness, or the Portuguese colonial point of view, seems to be a gross historical and cultural deformation since, even as far as Angola is concerned, the rise of national consciousness is a slow and deep maturation process.
It starts through the observation of the differences existing between the land, the people, and the colonizer country. It goes on through the acquisition of awareness in respect to problems related to the colour of skin, through the rejection of injustice. It creates its own traditions and historical events and, from then on, it claims independence and state organization. In contrast, since the present study aims to make its way through a cul- tural, ethnic, and social border zone, we run the risk of underrating a huge barrier in relation to issues regarding a lusophone context.
Beyond the diffi- culties of finding sources and information retrieval, due to the thirty-year- long civil war following the declaration of independence of Angola in , the way leading to a well-grounded interpretation is full of obstacles caused by the exposure to exploited and abused interpretative patterns concealed behind myths, traditions, and rhetoric smothering Portuguese overseas expansion. The unavoidable clash with powerful myths fuelled by Lusotropicalism or by a well-established, centuries-old colonial rhetorical tra- dition, for instance, have characterized and affected the Portuguese vision of its own overseas empire, rendering the celebration of a presumed widespread Creoleness according to propagandist demands.
That would be the effect made possible by the innate capacity of adaptation peculiar to the Portuguese abroad and by the expan- sion of their faith and values by means of a cultural dialogue that, rude and all-loving at the same time, ensured a space of interaction between Europeans and natives. It is a tempting and easily exploitable theorization that does not bear up to more exhaustive examination.
Comparing realities such as the Brazilian and the Angolan seems a quite daring operation, even if solely under a sociological point of view, as Gilberto Freyre did. The orig- inal colonization of Brazil, for instance, was executed through the establish- ment of a feudal system based on donations. The capitaes , who were both landlords and managers of property, could dispose of resources allowing them to buy or hunt for slaves and feed them, build quarters and planta- tions, equip private armies, raise forts and hire garrisons.
Quite different was the fate of the poor settler coming — and often forced to come — from Minho or the Azores Islands, who disembarked alone and semi-naked on the African coast with no protection or resources to help him face the unkind climatic conditions and find his way through the wilder- ness. The first encounter and a disruptive colonization The starting point of the troubled colonization of Angola coincided with the first encounter between Europeans and subjects of the so-called Kingdom of Congo.
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It occurred in when King D. Joao II sent a young commoner named Diogo Cao with an assortment of stone pillars surmounted by the cross of the Order of Christ and carved with the royal arms to mark the capes he should discover. When Diogo Cao stumbled on the Congo River, he was actually looking for something else: He travelled to the mouth of the river, where he set up a pillar, left four messengers to search for a great king about whom he had heard and took four natives back to Portugal. Back in Lisbon, King D. Joao knighted Diogo Cao and appointed him to be the commander of a second expedition, sent out to recover the messengers, whose foremost assignment was to establish amicable relations with the Congolese.
Those friendly relations facilitated the settlement of missionaries, traders and soldiers, but the attempt to christianise the Kingdom of Congo through the conversion of subaltern chiefs proved ephemeral. Portuguese inten- tions to maintain good relations with the Congo people were rapidly sacri- ficed to profit W. In , carrying credentials from King D. Sebastiao, Paulo Dias de Novais landed on the Ilha de Luanda in command of a fleet of seven ships carrying a hundred families of colonists and soldiers.
What attracted de Novais to the area was the prospect of controlling the legendary silver mines of Cambambe, a utopia that fuelled Portuguese dreams and desires for a long time. Luanda and the Sao Paulo settlement offered a shel- tered port in an excellent spot very close to the river Kwanza, the supposed route to the mines W.
Basically, the development of Brazilian sugar plantations and the exploitation of Brazilian gold mines towards the end of the seventeenth century utterly depended on slave labour provided by Angola. The brisk trade in slaves brought more colonists and the settlement grew. There followed a long period in which Brazil and Angola were intimately connected under the aegis of the Portuguese crown, whose African policies were dictated by the eco- nomic interests of its South American dominion. Portuguese colonial policies had to take into account the fact that the administration of such a vast por- tion of land with so little available Portuguese manpower could not do with- out the use of local collaborators.
Angola understandably attracted few permanent settlers. The territory was portrayed as savage and forbidding and Europeans generally regarded the cli- matic and sanitary conditions as prohibitive. All were more or less hostile to external penetration and periodi- cally embroiled the Portuguese in insidious small-scale conflicts, preventing them from reaching an effective detribalisation of the hinterland and discour- aging the creation of more extended settlements or the implementation of fazendas.
The abolition process The progressive loss of the network of trading posts along the Asian shores, 3 followed in by the more traumatic loss of Brazil, forced Portugal to make the most out of the remnants of its empire.
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However, it was by now plain that the traditional purely mercantilist approach to the exploitation of the African territories was no longer an alternative to the model set up by rival colonial powers, nor did it have a chance to survive the advent and implementation of capitalism. The analysis by Rene Pelissier confirms that Portugal, at that time, com- pletely lacked human, financial, and technical resources, coherence, and sta- bility in the colonial administration. The persistence of the plundering mentality among them was a frequent cause of conflict Pelissier The troubled steps leading to the abolition of slavery heightened social tensions and worsened the economic crisis affect- ing the agonizing Portuguese empire.
In the s, the Portuguese govern- ment appointed a progressive prime minister, the former minister of the navy, Marquis Sa da Bandeira, whose most important reform was the abolition of the slave trade in Between and Portugal passed a series of cautious decrees aimed at reducing slavery in Angola. Government slaves were freed and the proclamation declared that all forms of slavery should be abolished by The de facto servitude of Africans in Angola con- tinued until the end of the colonial period and later was one of the leading rea- sons for a sharp rise in nationalist feeling during the prolonged colonial war.
Urban society At the top of the mid-nineteenth-century Angolan socio-economic pyramid were the traders who enriched themselves thanks to the slave traffic and barter with the interior. In contrast, the mulatto popula- tion — about 5, people at the time 5 — grosso modo identified itself ideolog- ically, politically, and economically with the whites, together forming the pre- ponderant element in urban Angolan society. White traders owned the land and managed the capitalization of their activities connected to the Atlantic trade with Brazil, Europe, and the United States. It is not surprising then if more than one governmental resolution strongly jeopardizing local capital — the abolition of the traffic — or openly advantag- ing the metropolitan bourgeoisie — protectionist customs policies — encoun- tered resistance, which was able to put back the enactment in the colony of decrees considered as a nuisance to the interests of local businesses.
It is important to underline that a remarkably high proportion of the white population was composed of convicts or enriched ex-convicts. Most of those who survived their sentence returned to Portugal but those who enjoyed some mea- sure of commercial success running small businesses or trading with the natives remained, creating roots — that is, mixed race families — and consolidated specific interests that diverged more and more from metropolitan policies such as, for instance, demonstrating strong opposition to the laws enacted by Sa da Bandeira that were leading to the progressive abolition of the slave trade Torres 6l.
From that rejection derived, if not a fracture, certainly a series of deep tensions. The first definition grouped the whites, regardless of their social, economic, and academic standing, and the acculturated mulattos and blacks who had adopted European habits and customs. The conjunction of these sectors enables us to understand how this kind of colonial bour- geoisie was deeply rooted in Angola and disconnected from the metropolis, and how its economic links were far stronger with Brazil — or better with the Brazilian colonial bourgeoisie involved with the traffic — than with Portugal.
In conclusion, on one side, the colonial bourgeoisie and the metropolitan bourgeoisie were complementary but, on the other, far from sharing a con- stant and absolute reciprocal identification, they were divided by deep diver- gences and opposing economic interests. From the mid-nineteenth century, a constantly increasing number of Portuguese settlers started to disembark, but on land they found this already well-established and — if not cultivated — at least literate local bourgeoisie, Portuguese-speaking, mixed race, Catholic, cosmopolitan, and composed also of mulatto and black people.
Adelino Torres refers to the existence of an authentic colonial bourgeoisie mainly based in Luanda and Benguela which embraced a class of proprietors employing servile or indentured manpower and possessing assets, material values, capital, pres- tige, and influence in the colony, regardless of any possible interest or posses- sion held in Portugal or Brazil, and of the ethnic group to which they belonged.
Other than the coffee plantation owners, clearly an elite among the colonists, the Portuguese settlers were poor, unskilled, and uneducated, and, on the whole, they failed to succeed as agriculturists. Unable to compete with Africans and without resources, they moved to the cities and survived as best they could by doing menial jobs. Their presence invariably led to an atmos- phere of racism and petty discrimination that affected both black African people and the Creoles of the cities, who of course did not remain silent. The "free press" period The tumultuous period of the Portuguese civil wars led the metropolis to bankruptcy.
In 1 , a law passed by Prime Minister Sa da Bandeira extended to the Portuguese overseas possessions the right to print publications that could diffuse essential legal, commercial, and general information to the residents of the colony. The first rudimentary newspapers turned out to be the main vehicle for local literary proclivities. Luanda and Benguela rapidly became centres of intense cultural activity and of social and political agitation, hosting debates in which French revolutionary ideals were openly supported and developing an advancing will to achieve political autonomy.
O Boletim Oficial ' an official journal founded in by Governor General Pedro Alexandrino da Cunha, was the starting point of the development of journalism that, supported in the beginning by the small local European elite, was destined to take root in the capital and to rapidly increase during the following decades.
By the end of the century, a total of 46 periodicals had been printed, as recorded by Carlos Ervedosa Ervedosa If it is true that a certain number of publications saw the light during the second half of the nineteenth century, it is also true that their life was never easy, colonial censorship being constantly on the watch. Just to mention a few episodes that had a strong impact on the local pub- lic opinion of the time, in a printing press had been loaded in Lisbon and bound for Luanda, where it was supposed to be installed.
The owner of the printing press was a Joaquim Antonio de Carvalho e Meneses, a mulatto, coming back to his native land to assume the post of secretary-treasurer in the capital of the colony. In , the governor general of Angola approved a warrant released by the Luanda council administrator. The premises of the newspaper O Mercantil were shut down and any valuable materials confiscated. In the same year, issue number 1 of O Echo de Angola was the first periodical entirely edited and funded by Africans Coelho Periodical publications such as O Arauto Africano , A Provincia de Angola , and O Echo de Angola were the expression of a generation whose primary dis- tinction was a fierce autodidactism, since higher education was beyond reach for most of its writers and because, generally speaking, it was impossible to pursue further education after completing the first two years of secondary school without leaving Angola.
Most of the missions were established in the northern part of the country, where Portuguese penetration was superficial and the colonial authorities had no choice but to tolerate the thriving of foreign commercial enterprises and missions, which helped the locals involved to develop a criti- cal sense and to take into consideration their African roots, serving as a test- ing ground for the creation of a national literature.
By the mid-century, the Portuguese had extended their formal con- trol still farther east to the Kassanje market near the Cuango River. The Portuguese also attempted to gain control of the coast from Luanda north to Cabinda through military occupation of the major ports. Because of British opposition, however, they were unable to com- plete this attempt and never gained control of the mouth of the Congo River.
The cost of military operations to secure economically strategic points led in to the imposition on Africans of a substantially increased hut tax, which for the first time had to be paid with currency or trade goods rather than with slaves. As a result, many Africans either refused to pay or fled from Portuguese-controlled areas. By , in any case, the Portuguese lacked the resources for continued military expansion or economic development, and most of the interior remained in the control of African traders and warriors.
Prom the late s through to the early s, Portugal promoted a renewed program of expansion in the interior. Part of the impetus came from the Lisbon Geographical Society, founded in by a group of industrial- ists, scholars, and colonial and military officials. In reaction to the activities of the society, to the subsequent wave of popular concern for the colonies dif- fused through the country, and to the growing interest among Europeans in colonial adventures, the Portuguese government allotted large sums for pub- lic works in Africa and encouraged a minor revival of missionary work Papagno In the same year, Portugal annexed the region of the old Congo Kingdom.
The other European powers, however, rejected it. The west coast territory acquired by Portugal included the left bank of the Congo River and the Cabinda enclave. The nominal occupation of large areas of the ocean coast by the Portuguese was a clear obstacle to the claims of rival colonial powers, while the inner parts of the continent remained unseen and still uncharted.
The political and finan- cial problems affecting the Portuguese crown made easier a shift in the balance of power in Africa. In addition, the Berlin Conference internationally estab- lished a variation of the overpowering policy from the traditional right con- ferred by original discovery to the right granted by effective occupation. The Berlin Conference, whose four main issues were the commercial opening of the Congo region, the suppression of slavery in that area, the free- dom of navigation on every African river, and the procedures to follow for the future occupations on the continent, imposed the right of effective occu- pation.
In this way, the recognition, on the part of aboriginal chieftains and natives, of the sovereignty exercised by a European power over the territories traditionally belonging to one or more ethnic groups prevailed over any valid- ity of the historical rights claimed by Portugal Allain By the end of the conference, it was universally clear that untenable Portu- guese dreams of glory had to be abandoned and that the presence of ruined out- posts would no longer guarantee full — nominal — dominion of a territory.
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The approach to the overseas resources had to be rapidly overturned in order to avoid the otherwise inevitable perspective of losing also the remnants of the empire. During the last twenty-five years of the nineteenth century the course of events seemed to quicken. The British ultimatum, the subsequent formalisa- tion of the Portuguese empire and the entrenchment of Lusitanian patriotism led, in a desperate attempt to scoop foreign competition, to the implementa- tion of some meaningful changes in the administration of the colonies. After the abolition of slavery, the pro- duction of export goods such as coffee or cotton required measures to tie the pop- ulation to the land.
A successful and effective colonization could not proceed without strict control of the African populations, not only because it was neces- sary to provide a labour force for the plantations, but also because it granted a huge tax revenue. The tariffs and the labour code were the landmarks of the new colonial regime imposed by Portugal on its African colonies. Perhaps the adoption of these measures, which brought important benefits for Portuguese colonization, was delayed simply to strengthen the bargaining position of the country during the scramble for territory and the diplomatic negotiations concerning African borders in the s.
In this way, a penal colony such as Angola was gradually transformed into a colony of occupation, to the detriment of the thousands of contratados , contract workers employed in the plantations in a semi-slave regime, but also of the Creole elites, progressively forced to cede rights, privileges, and positions to the new administrative, military, and commercial staff who arrived from the metropolis.
Although there were fewer than 10, whites in Angola in , there had been a substantial increase in white female immi- gration. Whereas mestizos had outnumbered whites in by more than three-to- one, in this ratio was reversed. Of course, black Africans still consti- tuted more than 99 percent of the population, even if their number report- edly declined from an estimated 5.
In the late nineteenth century, Africans still controlled trade in the plateaus of the interior, despite Portuguese expansion. The Ovimbundu proved highly successful intermediaries on the southern trade route that ran from the Bie Plateau to Benguela. The Ovimbundu were more competitive than the sertanejos people of the frontier, as Europeans and their usually mulatto representatives in the rural areas were called , who often had to pay tribute and fines to African chiefs if they wanted to cross their territories. By the mid s, the Ovimbundu by and large had replaced the sertanejos.
Nonetheless, by the late s, Portuguese encroachments and the imposition of European rule lim- ited the political freedom of these Africans and diminished their prosperity. Immigration changes came into full effect and competition for places that were traditionally the prerogative of Luso-Africans became ruthless, upsetting the previous politico-economical and socio-cultural schemes.
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The recently arrived settlers forced both old towns and small demographic nuclei to undertake new economic and cultural activities and, crushed by the colonial wave, black and mulatto natives tended to quit the towns and recede to the musseques shantytowns. Consequently, the role model provided by the jour- nalistic activity that previously invigorated the social life of the colony and by the, even if troubled, diffusion of local and small periodical publications gradually lost its fundamental role.
Once it had become clear that the local political debate that had stimulated so many young Angolenses was out- moded, and that internal and export trade, demographic development, and the new pace assumed by society gave life to concerns that could have been hardly satisfied by a periodical press, the local colonial bourgeoisie had to let go of the control of its environment. It was no longer possible to liven up the political life of towns like Luanda and Benguela with such small resources.