Mexican authorities have been waging a war against drug trafficking organizations for more than a decade, but with limited success. Thousands of Mexicans, including politicians, students, and journalists, continue to die in the conflict every year. In , homicides hit a new high at more than twenty-eight thousand; many were linked to drug cartels.
Successive U. Washington has also sought to stem the flow of illegal drugs into the United States by bolstering security on its southern border, although a debate has flared over the utility of expanding the physical barrier there. Drug Policy. Border and Port Security. Transnational Crime. The cartels also produce and smuggle vast quantities of marijuana into the United States, but legalization of the drug in some U. Mexican heroin production increased by 37 percent between and alone.
Stingray: A New Frontier in Police Surveillance | Cato Institute
Over the decades, they have grown, splintered, forged alliances, and battled one another for territory. Sinaloa Cartel. In , Mexican authorities extradited Guzman to the United States, where he is on trial for multiple drug-related charges. Jalisco New Generation.
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The Jalisco cartel splintered from the Sinaloa Cartel in Juarez Cartel. Gulf Cartel. Los Zetas. It splintered from the Gulf Cartel in and held sway over swaths of eastern, central, and southern Mexico, but it has reportedly lost power in recent years. Beltran-Leyva Organization. Since then, all four Beltran-Leyva brothers have been arrested or killed, but their loyalists operate throughout Mexico.
Experts point to both domestic and international forces. In Mexico, cartels pay off judges, police, politicians, and other officials using their vast drug profits, which the U. With new politicians in power, cartels ramped up violence against the government in an effort to reestablish their hold [PDF] on the state. At the international level, Mexican cartels began to take on a much larger role in trafficking drugs in the late s, after U.
Mexican gangs eventually shifted from being couriers for Colombian DTOs to being wholesalers. When Keene, New Hampshire, applied to the federal government for funding for a BearCat tactical vehicle by citing a terrorist threat to the annual town pumpkin festival, one city council member allowed:. Terrorist attacks are simply not that common, generating few opportunities for police to deploy stingrays in terrorism investigations. But even if it could be shown that stingray devices were being used by state and local law enforcement to combat terrorism, the secrecy regime could not be justified.
Whatever tactical advantage the government gained by hiding the use and capabilities of cell-site simulators in years past has been eroded by years of compelled revelations as a result of FOIA requests and court proceedings. Even if we assume that keeping these capabilities secret at one time justified a regime of immense secrecy, the secret is out now. These questions are especially acute in jurisdictions where the stingray equipment was purchased through federal security grant programs or using funds taken from private individuals through civil asset forfeiture.
When state and local law enforcement agencies depend on federal funding for their equipment and cut their local legislatures and courts out of the process, state and local control of law enforcement is threatened. Perhaps most importantly, the secrecy around these devices and the surreptitious means utilized by law enforcement to deploy them are having a deleterious effect on the criminal justice system.
The traditional institutions keeping the abuse of such tools in check have been sidelined, and actual prosecutions of criminals have been abandoned in the name of pursuing a hypothetical enemy. The FBI has also encouraged constitutionally dubious practices at the state and local level. In April , a government watchdog organization in Oklahoma revealed an agreement between the FBI and the Oklahoma City Police Department for the acquisition of a stingray device.
This technique, known as parallel construction, allows law enforcement to obscure evidence sources to prevent their disclosure in court. When utilizing parallel construction, law enforcement uses some surreptitious and, perhaps, constitutionally dubious tactics to generate a piece of evidence. In order to obscure the source of that evidence, police will use the new information as a lead to gather information from which they construct a case that appears to have been cracked using routine police work.
The police then represent to the court and to the defendant that the routine tactics led to the break in the case. The secret evidence or technique is not revealed. While legislatures and courts have been unable to provide oversight or accountability due to the secrecy of law enforcement and the federal government, the stingray-utilizing agencies themselves have in many cases done next to nothing to ensure the appropriate and constitutional use of these devices.
The complete lack of transparency regarding government use of stingray technology guarantees that bad actors are not being held accountable and that guidelines, where they exist at all, are not always being followed. The federal government does not reveal which departments own or lease the devices; which departments are actively deploying them and how often; what, if any, guidelines govern them; or what mechanisms, if any, are in place to ensure the devices are used properly. Even if guidelines were to be put in place, the lack of transparency with which these devices have been used suggests a dire need for strict and independently enforced accountability mechanisms.
In October , following several remarkable revelations regarding stingray surveillance, both the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice publicly outlined their stingray policies for the first time. The policies include a requirement that federal law enforcement officials seek warrants for stingray use except under certain exigent circumstances, a requirement that data be disposed of routinely and when it is no longer needed for a specific investigation, and a requirement that government agencies be open with courts about the use of the technology in criminal investigations.
It is important to note, however, that while these policies represent a step toward transparency on the part of the federal government, they are merely internal administrative policies. They do not carry the force of law, and enforcement of these guidelines is left entirely up to the executive agencies deploying the devices. These guidelines also appear to apply only to devices being used by the federal government and have no bearing on the use of stingray devices that are in the hands of state and local police, who remain free to set up their own guidelines and accountability policies.
Without a full accounting of the capabilities of stingray devices and public acknowledgment of their use by each law enforcement agency, any hope of imbuing the process with accountability for misuse is fleeting. A reliance on executive agency self-policing and the assurances of police agencies that they are not abusing their technology is inadequate protection in lieu of constitutional safeguards. The judicial and legislative branches, tasked by our system with checking the power of the executive branch, have important roles to play in limiting the abuses of stingray surveillance and thus far have failed to do so.
Understanding the issues raised by warrantless stingray surveillance requires some background on the Supreme Court precedents that inform our current Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. In the case Katz v. United States , the Supreme Court ruled that a police wiretap of a phone booth was a search within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment and required a warrant because of the attempt of the defendant to keep the conversation private.
Roughly a decade later, in United States v. Miller 47 and Smith v. Maryland , 48 the Court articulated what has come to be known as the third-party doctrine. Under third-party doctrine analysis, the expectation of privacy disappears where the individual voluntarily conveys information to third parties. But Miller and Smith involved microfilms of bank deposits and a list of dialed phone numbers, respectively. In the modern context, the third-party doctrine can, as the government argues, be applied much more broadly, as almost all of the data emanating from cell phones and other Web-connected mobile devices is constantly being sent to third-party service providers.
With so much of our daily activity being sent to third-party Internet and telephone service providers, the level of constitutional protection afforded to such data becomes a much more significant question than it was decades ago. By the early s, the Supreme Court was wrestling with advances in police technology that allowed officers to peer through walls and into the privacy of the home. In , the Court decided Kyllo v.
United States , in which agents from the Department of the Interior utilized infrared heat imagers to look inside a private home in search of the hallmark heat signatures of a marijuana-growing operation. A decade later, some members of the Court had begun to question the applicability of the expectation of privacy test in light of modern technology.
In the Supreme Court decided U. Perhaps the most notable aspect of the Jones case was the concurring opinion by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who finally raised the specter of rethinking the expectation of privacy test and doing away with the third-party doctrine:. Chief Justice Roberts, writing for a unanimous court, made a similar observation about the centrality of cell phones to our private lives just two years later in a case called Riley v.
California :. Federal and state courts have not yet had much opportunity to apply these principles. Between the explicit provisions of the FBI nondisclosure agreement and federal encouragement to keep relevant information from courts, most judges have not had occasion to analyze the legal issues raised by stingray use. The FBI wields considerable control over whether a particular case reaches a verdict, and therefore whether it is likely to result in a clear ruling from a judge on the constitutionality of stingray use.
Judges have a difficult time assessing the legality of police practices when the cases are routinely removed from court through plea bargains or dropped charges. How many criminal suspects are going to turn down a favorable plea deal just to have their Fourth Amendment rights analyzed by a judge who could send them to prison? Despite this pervasive secrecy regime, in several criminal cases vigilant defense attorneys who questioned how the police found their clients stumbled onto stingray investigations.
What they managed to find suggests a widespread pattern of obfuscation and occasional deceit by the FBI and local law enforcement agencies to obscure their behavior from the courts and from criminal defendants. The cross-examination of a police officer from another Maryland case transcript reveals the position in which judges find themselves in court. It stands to reason, then, that the vast majority of criminal cases in which stingray evidence is used, like the vast majority of criminal cases generally, are pled out before going to trial and often before defense counsel has an opportunity to raise such questions.
In a country where more than 9 out of every 10 criminal defendants waive their right to trial, potentially inadmissible stingray evidence can be used to put pressure on defendants without any risk of being revealed to the court. In addition to stingray abuses that never make it in front of a judge, police have, sometimes under express federal guidance, willfully misled courts regarding the nature of cell-site simulator technology and the capabilities of stingray devices.
These terms have traditional meanings in the legal system that convey none of the novelty or magnitude of stingray surveillance. Judges, in other words, are sometimes authorizing stingray devices without knowing it.
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The problem has become so pervasive that defense attorney organizations are now offering explicit guidance to defense lawyers in order to ferret out stingray uses by police in criminal proceedings. The consequence of the secrecy, especially the dropping of evidence or entire cases when called out on questionable stingray use, is a general dearth of case law on the constitutional issues that stingrays present. As more has been revealed and the breadth of stingray use has become more widely known, it is fair to anticipate that the amount of judicial analysis will increase.
A few courts have been able to weigh in on the constitutional implications of warrantless stingray use already. In a federal district court in Arizona upheld the use of a stingray device in a tax fraud prosecution against a defendant on the grounds that the police were sufficiently descriptive in their warrant application to satisfy Fourth Amendment requirements. At least one state-level appellate court has disagreed with those federal rulings.
In an opinion released in March , the Court of Special Appeals of Maryland held that using a stingray to locate a phone inside a home constitutes a search within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment and requires a warrant. In that case, defendant Kerron Andrews was suspected of shooting three people. The police were able to track Andrews to a specific home in Baltimore. The few instances of courts assessing the legality of stingray use have come to different conclusions, citing different precedents, and it could be years before these splits in Fourth Amendment interpretations are resolved.
Even if courts are not ready to do away with the third-party doctrine entirely, the Kyllo precedent represents an interesting potential conflict with the third-party line of reasoning in cell phone tracking cases. Indeed, stingrays do collect data from cell phone users, but ostensibly the primary use of that data is to triangulate the precise location of the phone rather than to analyze the content of the data itself. This tracking capability inevitably includes the inside of homes and other areas traditionally considered beyond the reach of warrantless searches.
Any location capable of receiving a cell tower signal is fair game to the stingray and indistinguishable from public areas with little to no expectation of privacy. Stingray surveillance, then, represents a potential flashpoint between two previously disparate Fourth Amendment doctrines.
If judges do take on a more active role in stingray oversight, that by itself may still be insufficient to protect the rights of individuals. The courts establish a floor that privacy protections cannot fall below, but legislators are free to raise that floor on their own initiative, and there has been some progress on that front. At the federal level, Rep. V-2 was countered only by the capture of the launching sites.
The Secretaries of War and Navy recently stated in a joint letter to the National Academy of Sciences: This war emphasizes three facts of supreme importance to national security: 1 Powerful new tactics of defense and offense are developed around new weapons created by scientific and engineering research; 2 the competitive time element in developing those weapons and tactics may be decisive; 3 war is increasingly total war, in which the armed services must be supplemented by active participation of every element of civilian population.
There must be more - and more adequate - military research during peacetime. Further, it is clear that only the Government can undertake military research; for it must be carried on in secret, much of it has no commercial value, and it is expensive. The obligation of Government to support research on military problems is inescapable. Modern war requires the use of the most advanced scientific techniques.
Many of the leaders in the development of radar are scientists who before the war had been exploring the nucleus of the atom. While there must be increased emphasis on science in the future training of officers for both the Army and Navy, such men cannot be expected to be specialists in scientific research. Therefore a professional partnership between the officers in the Services and civilian scientists is needed. The Army and Navy should continue to carry on research and development on the improvement of current weapons.
For many years the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics has supplemented the work of the Army and Navy by conducting basic research on the problems of flight.
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There should now be permanent civilian activity to supplement the research work of the Services in other scientific fields so as to carry on in time of peace some part of the activities of the emergency war-time Office of Scientific Research and Development. Military preparedness requires a permanent independent, civilian-controlled organization, having close liaison with the Army and Navy, but with funds directly from Congress and with the clear power to initiate military research which will supplement and strengthen that carried on directly under the control of the Army and Navy.
Science and Jobs One of our hopes is that after the war there will be full employment, and that the production of goods and services will serve to raise our standard of living. We do not know yet how we shall reach that goal, but it is certain that it can be achieved only by releasing the full creative and productive energies of the American people. Surely we will not get there by standing still, merely by making the same things we made before and selling them at the same or higher prices.
We will not get ahead in international trade unless we offer new and more attractive and cheaper products. Where will these new products come from? How will we find ways to make better products at lower cost? The answer is clear. There must be a stream of new scientific knowledge to turn the wheels of private and public enterprise. There must be plenty of men and women trained in science and technology for upon them depend both the creation of new knowledge and its application to practical purposes. More and better scientific research is essential to the achievement of our goal of full employment.
The Importance of Basic Research Basic research is performed without thought of practical ends. It results in general knowledge and an understanding of nature and its laws. This general knowledge provides the means of answering a large number of important practical problems, though it may not give a complete specific answer to any one of them. The function of applied research is to provide such complete answers. The scientist doing basic research may not be at all interested in the practical applications of his work, yet the further progress of industrial development would eventually stagnate if basic scientific research were long neglected.
One of the peculiarities of basic science is the variety of paths which lead to productive advance. Many of the most important discoveries have come as a result of experiments undertaken with very different purposes in mind. Statistically it is certain that important and highly useful discoveries will result from some fraction of the undertakings in basic science; but the results of any one particular investigation cannot be predicted with accuracy. Basic research leads to new knowledge. It provides scientific capital. It creates the fund from which the practical applications of knowledge must be drawn.
New products and new processes do not appear full-grown.
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They are founded on new principles and new conceptions, which in turn are painstakingly developed by research in the purest realms of science. Today, it is truer than ever that basic research is the pacemaker of technological progress. In the nineteenth century, Yankee mechanical ingenuity, building largely upon the basic discoveries of European scientists, could greatly advance the technical arts. Now the situation is different. A nation which depends upon others for its new basic scientific knowledge will be slow in its industrial progress and weak in its competitive position in world trade, regardless of its mechanical skill.
Centers of Basic Research Publicly and privately supported colleges and universities and the endowed research institutes must furnish both the new scientific knowledge and the trained research workers. These institutions are uniquely qualified by tradition and by their special characteristics to carry on basic research. They are charged with the responsibility of conserving the knowledge accumulated by the past, imparting that knowledge to students, and contributing new knowledge of all kinds.
It is chiefly in these institutions that scientists may work in an atmosphere which is relatively free from the adverse pressure of convention, prejudice, or commercial necessity. At their best they provide the scientific worker with a strong sense of solidarity and security, as well as a substantial degree of personal intellectual freedom.
All of these factors are of great importance in the development of new knowledge, since much of new knowledge is certain to arouse opposition because of its tendency to challenge current beliefs or practice. Industry is generally inhibited by preconceived goals, by its own clearly defined standards, and by the constant pressure of commercial necessity. Satisfactory progress in basic science seldom occurs under conditions prevailing in the normal industrial laboratory. There are some notable exceptions, it is true, but even in such cases it is rarely possible to match the universities in respect to the freedom which is so important to scientific discovery.
To serve effectively as the centers of basic research these institutions must be strong and healthy. They must attract our best scientists as teachers and investigators. They must offer research opportunities and sufficient compensation to enable them to compete with industry and government for the cream of scientific talent. During the past 25 years there has been a great increase in industrial research involving the application of scientific knowledge to a multitude of practical purposes - thus providing new products, new industries, new investment opportunities, and millions of jobs.
During the same period research within Government - again largely applied research - has also been greatly expanded. These are the best estimates available. The figures have been taken from a variety of sources and arbitrary definitions have necessarily been applied, but it is believed that they may be accepted as indicating the following trends: a Expenditures for scientific research by industry and Government - almost entirely applied research - have more than doubled between and Whereas in they were six times as large as the research expenditures of the colleges, universities, and research institutes, by they were nearly ten times as large.
Research Within the Government Although there are some notable exceptions, most research conducted within governmental laboratories is of an applied nature. This has always been true and is likely to remain so. Hence Government, like industry, is dependent on the colleges, universities, and research institutes to expand the basic scientific frontiers and to furnish trained scientific investigators. Research within the Government represents an important part of our total research activity and needs to be strengthened and expanded after the war. Such expansion should be directed to fields of inquiry and service which are of public importance and are not adequately carried on by private organizations.
The most important single factor in scientific and technical work is the quality of the personnel employed. The procedures currently followed within the Government for recruiting, classifying and compensating such personnel place the Government under a severe handicap in competing with industry and the universities for first-class scientific talent. Steps should be taken to reduce that handicap. In the Government the arrangement whereby the numerous scientific agencies form parts of larger departments has both advantages and disadvantages.
There is, however, a very real need for some measure of coordination of the common scientific activities of these agencies, both as to policies and budgets, and at present no such means exist. A permanent Science Advisory Board should be created to consult with these scientific bureaus and to advise the executive and legislative branches of Government as to the policies and budgets of Government agencies engaged in scientific research.
This board should be composed of disinterested scientists who have no connection with the affairs of any Government agency. Industrial Research The simplest and most effective way in which the Government can strengthen industrial research is to support basic research and to develop scientific talent.
The benefits of basic research do not reach all industries equally or at the same speed. Some small enterprises never receive any of the benefits. It has been suggested that the benefits might be better utilized if "research clinics" for such enterprises were to be established. Businessmen would thus be able to make more use of research than they now do. This proposal is certainly worthy of further study. One of the most important factors affecting the amount of industrial research is the income-tax law.
Government action in respect to this subject will affect the rate of technical progress in industry. Uncertainties as to the attitude of the Bureau of Internal Revenue regarding the deduction of research and development expenses are a deterrent to research expenditure. These uncertainties arise from lack of clarity of the tax law as to the proper treatment of such costs.
The Internal Revenue Code should be amended to remove present uncertainties in regard to the deductibility of research and development expenditures as current charges against net income. Research is also affected by the patent laws. They stimulate new invention and they make it possible for new industries to be built around new devices or new processes. These industries generate new jobs and new products, all of which contribute to the welfare and the strength of the country.
Yet, uncertainties in the operation of the patent laws have impaired the ability of small industries to translate new ideas into processes and products of value to the nation. These uncertainties are, in part, attributable to the difficulties and expense incident to the operation of the patent system as it presently exists. These uncertainties are also attributable to the existence of certain abuses, which have appeared in the use of patents.
The abuses should be corrected. They have led to extravagantly critical attacks which tend to discredit a basically sound system. It is important that the patent system continue to serve the country in the manner intended by the Constitution, for it has been a vital element in the industrial vigor which has distinguished this nation. The National Patent Planning Commission has reported on this subject. In addition, a detailed study, with recommendations concerning the extent to which modifications should be made in our patent laws is currently being made under the leadership of the Secretary of Commerce.
It is recommended, therefore, that specific action with regard to the patent laws be withheld pending the submission of the report devoted exclusively to that subject. International Exchange of Scientific Information International exchange of scientific information is of growing importance. Increasing specialization of science will make it more important than ever that scientists in this country keep continually ahead of developments abroad.
In addition a flow of scientific information constitutes one facet of general international accord which should be cultivated. The Government can accomplish significant results in several ways: by aiding in the arrangement of international science congresses, in the official accrediting of American scientists to such gatherings, in the official reception of foreign scientists of standing in this country, in making possible a rapid flow of technical information, including translation service, and possibly in the provision of international fellowships.
Private foundations and other groups partially fulfill some of these functions at present, but their scope is incomplete and inadequate. The Government should take an active role in promoting the international flow of scientific information. In the past we have devoted much of our best efforts to the application of such knowledge which has been discovered abroad.
In the future we must pay increased attention to discovering this knowledge for ourselves particularly since the scientific applications of the future will be more than ever dependent upon such basic knowledge. New impetus must be given to research in our country. Such impetus can come promptly only from the Government. Expenditures for research in the colleges, universities, and research institutes will otherwise not be able to meet the additional demands of increased public need for research.
Further, we cannot expect industry adequately to fill the gap. Industry will fully rise to the challenge of applying new knowledge to new products. The commercial incentive can be relied upon for that. But basic research is essentially noncommercial in nature. It will not receive the attention it requires if left to industry.
In providing government support, however, we must endeavor to preserve as far as possible the private support of research both in industry and in the colleges, universities, and research institutes. These private sources should continue to carry their share of the financial burden. The Cost of a Program It is estimated that an adequate program for Federal support of basic research in the colleges, universities, and research institutes and for financing important applied research in the public interest, will cost about 10 million dollars at the outset and may rise to about 50 million dollars annually when fully underway at the end of perhaps 5 years.
While there will always be the rare individual who will rise to the top without benefit of formal education and training, he is the exception and even he might make a more notable contribution if he had the benefit of the best education we have to offer. We shall have rapid or slow advance in this direction or in that depending on the number of really first-class men who are engaged in the work in question. This point has been well stated by the Moe Committee as follows: " As citizens, as good citizens, we therefore think that we must have in mind while examining the question before us - the discovery and development of scientific talent - the needs of the whole national welfare.
We could not suggest to you a program which would syphon into science and technology a disproportionately large share of the nation's highest abilities, without doing harm to the nation, nor, indeed, without crippling science. When aided by selective devices for picking out scientifically talented youth, it is clear that large sums of money for scholarships and fellowships and monetary and other rewards in disproportionate amounts might draw into science too large a percentage of the nation's high ability, with a result highly detrimental to the nation and to science.
Plans for the discovery and development of scientific talent must be related to the other needs of society for high ability. Neither our allies nor, so far as we know, our enemies have done anything so radical as thus to suspend almost completely their educational activities in scientific pursuits during the war period. Two great principles have guided us in this country as we have turned our full efforts to war. First, the sound democratic principle that there should be no favored classes or special privilege in a time of peril, that all should be ready to sacrifice equally; second, the tenet that every man should serve in the capacity in which his talents and experience can best be applied for the prosecution of the war effort.
In general we have held these principles well in balance. In my opinion, however, we have drawn too heavily for nonscientific purposes upon the great natural resource which resides in our trained young scientists and engineers. For the general good of the country too many such men have gone into uniform, and their talents have not always been fully utilized.
With the exception of those men engaged in war research, all physically fit students at graduate level have been taken into the armed forces. Those ready for college training in the sciences have not been permitted to enter upon that training. There is thus an accumulating deficit of trained research personnel which will continue for many years. The deficit of those holding advanced degrees - that is, young scholars trained to the point where they are capable of carrying on original work - has been estimated as amounting to about 17, by in chemistry, engineering, geology, mathematics, physics, psychology, and the biological sciences.
With mounting demands for scientists both for teaching and for research, we will enter the post-war period with a serious deficit in our trained scientific personnel. Improve the Quality Confronted with these deficits, we are compelled to look to the use of our basic human resources and formulate a program which will assure their conservation and effective development. The committee advising me on scientific personnel has stated the following principle which should guide our planning: "If we were all-knowing and all-wise we might, but we think probably not, write you a plan whereby there might be selected for training, which they otherwise would not get, those who, 20 years hence, would be scientific leaders, and we might not bother about any lesser manifestations of scientific ability.
But in the present state of knowledge a plan cannot be made which will select, and assist, only those young men and women who will give the top future leadership to science. To get top leadership there must be a relatively large base of high ability selected for development and then successive skimmings of the cream of ability at successive times and at higher levels. No one can select from the bottom those who will be the leaders at the top because unmeasured and unknown factors enter into scientific, or any, leadership.
There are brains and character, strength and health, happiness and spiritual vitality, interest and motivation, and no one knows what else, that must needs enter into this supra-mathematical calculus. We think as we think because we are not interested in setting up an elect. We think it much the best plan, in this constitutional Republic, that opportunity be held out to all kinds and conditions of men whereby they can better themselves. This is the American way; this is the way the United States has become what it is.
We think it very important that circumstances be such that there be no ceilings, other than ability itself, to intellectual ambition. We think it very important that every boy and girl shall know that, if he shows that he has what it takes, the sky is the limit. Even if it be shown subsequently that he has not what it takes to go to the top, he will go further than he would otherwise go if there had been a ceiling beyond which he always knew he could not aspire.
This is the American way: a man work for what he gets. If those who have the means coincided entirely with those persons who have the talent we should not be squandering a part of our higher education on those undeserving of it, nor neglecting great talent among those who fail to attend college for economic reasons.
There are talented individuals in every segment of the population, but with few exceptions those without the means of buying higher education go without it. Here is a tremendous waste of the greatest resource of a nation - the intelligence of its citizens. If ability, and not the circumstance of family fortune, is made to determine who shall receive higher education in science, then we shall be assured of constantly improving quality at every level of scientific activity. The Generation in Uniform Must Not Be Lost We have a serious deficit in scientific personnel partly because the men who would have studied science in the colleges and universities have been serving in the Armed Forces.
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Many had begun their studies before they went to war. Others with capacity for scientific education went to war after finishing high school. The most immediate prospect of making up some of the deficit in scientific personnel is by salvaging scientific talent from the generation in uniform. For even if we should start now to train the current crop of high school graduates, it would be before they would complete graduate studies and be prepared for effective scientific research.
This fact underlines the necessity of salvaging potential scientists in uniform. The Armed Services should comb their records for men who, prior to or during the war, have given evidence of talent for science, and make prompt arrangements, consistent with current discharge plans, for ordering those who remain in uniform as soon as militarily possible to duty at institutions here and overseas where they can continue their scientific education. Moreover, they should see that those who study overseas have the benefit of the latest scientific developments. A Program The country may be proud of the fact that 95 percent of boys and girls of the fifth grade age are enrolled in school, but the drop in enrollment after the fifth grade is less satisfying.
For every 1, students in the fifth grade, are lost to education before the end of high school, and all but 72 have ceased formal education before completion of college. While we are concerned primarily with methods of selecting and educating high school graduates at the college and higher levels, we cannot be complacent about the loss of potential talent which is inherent in the present situation. Students drop out of school, college, and graduate school, or do not get that far, for a variety of reasons: they cannot afford to go on; schools and colleges providing courses equal to their capacity are not available locally; business and industry recruit many of the most promising before they have finished the training of which they are capable.
These reasons apply with particular force to science: the road is long and expensive; it extends at least 6 years beyond high school; the percentage of science students who can obtain first-rate training in institutions near home is small. Improvement in the teaching of science is imperative; for students of latent scientific ability are particularly vulnerable to high school teaching which fails to awaken interest or to provide adequate instruction. To enlarge the group of specially qualified men and women it is necessary to increase the number who go to college.
This involves improved high school instruction, provision for helping individual talented students to finish high school primarily the responsibility of the local communities , and opportunities for more capable, promising high school students to go to college. Anything short of this means serious waste of higher education and neglect of human resources. To encourage and enable a larger number of young men and women of ability to take up science as a career, and in order gradually to reduce the deficit of trained scientific personnel, it is recommended that provision be made for a reasonable number of a undergraduate scholarships and graduate fellowships and b fellowships for advanced training and fundamental research.
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The details should be worked out with reference to the interests of the several States and of the universities and colleges; and care should be taken not to impair the freedom of the institutions and individuals concerned. Each year under this program 6, undergraduate scholarships would be made available to high school graduates, and graduate fellowships would be offered to college graduates. Approximately the scale of allowances provided for under the educational program for returning veterans has been used in estimating the cost of this program.
The plan is, further, that all those who receive such scholarships or fellowships in science should be enrolled in a National Science Reserve and be liable to call into the service of the Government, in connection with scientific or technical work in time of war or other national emergency declared by Congress or proclaimed by the President. Thus, in addition to the general benefits to the nation by reason of the addition to its trained ranks of such a corps of scientific workers, there would be a definite benefit to the nation in having these scientific workers on call in national emergencies.
The Government would be well advised to invest the money involved in this plan even if the benefits to the nation were thought of solely - which they are not - in terms of national preparedness. For more than 5 years many of our scientists have been fighting the war in the laboratories, in the factories and shops, and at the front. We have been directing the energies of our scientists to the development of weapons and materials and methods, on a large number of relatively narrow projects initiated and controlled by the Office of Scientific Research and Development and other Government agencies.
Like troops, the scientists have been mobilized, and thrown into action to serve their country in time of emergency. But they have been diverted to a greater extent than is generally appreciated from the search for answers to the fundamental problems - from the search on which human welfare and progress depends. This is not a complaint - it is a fact. The mobilization of science behind the lines is aiding the fighting men at the front to win the war and to shorten it; and it has resulted incidentally in the accumulation of a vast amount of experience and knowledge of the application of science to particular problems, much of which can be put to use when the war is over.
Fortunately, this country had the scientists - and the time - to make this contribution and thus to advance the date of victory. Security Restrictions Should Be Lifted Promptly Much of the information and experience acquired during the war is confined to the agencies that gathered it. Except to the extent that military security dictates otherwise, such knowledge should be spread upon the record for the benefit of the general public. Thanks to the wise provision of the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, most of the results of war-time medical research have been published.
Several hundred articles have appeared in the professional journals; many are in process of publication. The material still subject to security classification should be released as soon as possible. It is my view that most of the remainder of the classified scientific material should be released as soon as there is ground for belief that the enemy will not be able to turn it against us in this war.
Most of the information needed by industry and in education can be released without disclosing its embodiments in actual military material and devices. Basically there is no reason to believe that scientists of other countries will not in time rediscover everything we now know which is held in secrecy. A broad dissemination of scientific information upon which further advances can readily be made furnishes a sounder foundation for our national security than a policy of restriction which would impede our own progress although imposed in the hope that possible enemies would not catch up with us.
During the war it has been necessary for selected groups of scientists to work on specialized problems, with relatively little information as to what other groups were doing and had done. Working against time, the Office of Scientific Research and Development has been obliged to enforce this practice during the war, although it was realized by all concerned that it was an emergency measure which prevented the continuous cross-fertilization so essential to fruitful scientific effort.
Our ability to overcome possible future enemies depends upon scientific advances which will proceed more rapidly with diffusion of knowledge than under a policy of continued restriction of knowledge now in our possession. Need for Coordination In planning the release of scientific data and experience collected in connection with the war, we must not overlook the fact that research has gone forward under many auspices - the Army, the Navy, the Office of Scientific Research and Development, the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, other departments and agencies of the Government, educational institutions, and many industrial organizations.
There have been numerous cases of independent discovery of the same truth in different places. To permit the release of information by one agency and to continue to restrict it elsewhere would be unfair in its effect and would tend to impair the morale and efficiency of scientists who have submerged individual interests in the controls and restrictions of war.