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The Georgicks of Virgil, with an English Translation and Notes Virgil, John Martyn Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, Pierius says it is confecto in the Roman manuscript. And Tacitus also says the Germans used to make caves to defend them from the severity of winter, .

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This greatly aggravates the crisis of modern government. Newspapers and commentators still tend to report in economic terms what goes on in Washington, in London, in Bonn, or in Tokyo. But more and more of the lobbyists who determine governmental laws and governmental actions are no longer lobbyists for economic interests. They lobby for and against measures that they—and their paymasters—see as moral, spiritual, cultural. And each of these new moral concerns, each represented by a new organization, claims to stand for an absolute. Dividing their loaf is not compromise; it is treason.

There is thus in the society of organizations no one integrating force that pulls individual organizations in society and community into coalition. The traditional parties—perhaps the most successful political creations of the nineteenth century—can no longer integrate divergent groups and divergent points of view into a common pursuit of power. Rather, they have become battlefields between groups, each of them fighting for absolute victory and not content with anything but total surrender of the enemy. The twenty-first century will surely be one of continuing social, economic, and political turmoil and challenge, at least in its early decades.

What I have called the age of social transformation is not over yet. And the challenges looming ahead may be more serious and more daunting than those posed by the social transformations that have already come about, the social transformations of the twentieth century. Yet we will not even have a chance to resolve these new and looming problems of tomorrow unless we first address the challenges posed by the developments that are already accomplished facts, the developments reported in the earlier sections of this essay. These are the priority tasks.

For only if they are tackled can we in the developed democratic free market countries hope to have the social cohesion, the economic strength, and the governmental capacity needed to tackle the new challenges. The first order of business—for sociologists, political scientists, and economists; for educators; for business executives, politicians, and nonprofit-group leaders; for people in all walks of life, as parents, as employees, as citizens—is to work on these priority tasks, for few of which we so far have a precedent, let alone tested solutions.

We will have to think through education—its purpose, its values, its content. We will have to learn to define the quality of education and the productivity of education, to measure both and to manage both. We need systematic work on the quality of knowledge and the productivity of knowledge—neither even defined so far.

The performance capacity, if not the survival, of any organization in the knowledge society will come increasingly to depend on those two factors. But so will the performance capacity, if not the survival, of any individual in the knowledge society. And what responsibility does knowledge have? What are the responsibilities of the knowledge worker, and especially of a person with highly specialized knowledge?

Any proposed domestic policy needs to be shaped so as to improve that position, or at least to minimize adverse impacts on it. The same holds true for the policies and strategies of any institution within a nation, whether a local government, a business, a university, or a hospital. But then we also need to develop an economic theory appropriate to a world economy in which knowledge has become the key economic resource and the dominant, if not the only, source of comparative advantage.

We are beginning to understand the new integrating mechanism: organization. But we still have to think through how to balance two apparently contradictory requirements. Organizations must competently perform the one social function for the sake of which they exist—the school to teach, the hospital to cure the sick, and the business to produce goods, services, or the capital to provide for the risks of the future.

They can do so only if they single-mindedly concentrate on their specialized mission. Together these organizations are the community. The emergence of a b, independent, capable social sector—neither public sector nor private sector—is thus a central need of the society of organizations. But by itself it is not enough—the organizations of both the public and the private sector must share in the work. The function of government and its functioning must be central to political thought and political action. The megastate in which this century indulged has not performed, either in its totalitarian or in its democratic version.

It has not delivered on a single one of its promises. And government by countervailing lobbyists is neither particularly effective—in fact, it is paralysis—nor particularly attractive. Yet effective government has never been needed more than in this highly competitive and fast-changing world of ours, in which the dangers created by the pollution of the physical environment are matched only by the dangers of worldwide armaments pollution. And we do not have even the beginnings of political theory or the political institutions needed for effective government in the knowledge-based society of organizations.

If the twentieth century was one of social transformations,. Sandel takes on one of the biggest ethical questions of our time: Is there something wrong with a world in which everything is for sale? What are the moral limits of markets? In recent decades, market values have crowded out nonmarket norms in almost every aspect of life—medicine, education, government, law, art, sports, even family life and personal relations. Without quite realizing it, Sandel argues, we have drifted from having a market economy to being a market society. Is this where we want to be?

In his New York Times bestseller Justice, Sandel showed himself to be a master at illuminating, with clarity and verve, the hard moral questions we confront in our everyday lives. Wall Street has responded — predictably, I suppose — by whining and throwing temper tantrums. And it has, in a way, been funny to see how childish and thin-skinned the Masters of the Universe turn out to be. Remember when Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan Chase characterized any discussion of income inequality as an attack on the very notion of success? Once upon a time, this fairy tale tells us, America was a land of lazy managers and slacker workers.

Productivity languished, and American industry was fading away in the face of foreign competition. Then square-jawed, tough-minded buyout kings like Mitt Romney and the fictional Gordon Gekko came to the rescue, imposing financial and work discipline. But the result was a great economic revival, whose benefits trickled down to everyone. For the alleged productivity surge never actually happened. In fact, overall business productivity in America grew faster in the postwar generation, an era in which banks were tightly regulated and private equity barely existed, than it has since our political system decided that greed was good.

We now think of America as a nation doomed to perpetual trade deficits, but it was not always thus. From the s through the s, we generally had more or less balanced trade, exporting about as much as we imported. The big trade deficits only started in the Reagan years, that is, during the era of runaway finance. And what about that trickle-down? It never took place.

However, only a small part of those gains got passed on to American workers. So, no, financial wheeling and dealing did not do wonders for the American economy, and there are real questions about why, exactly, the wheeler-dealers have made so much money while generating such dubious results. But while this behavior may be funny, it is also deeply immoral. Think about where we are right now, in the fifth year of a slump brought on by irresponsible bankers.

The bankers themselves have been bailed out, but the rest of the nation continues to suffer terribly, with long-term unemployment still at levels not seen since the Great Depression, with a whole cohort of young Americans graduating into an abysmal job market. And in the midst of this national nightmare, all too many members of the economic elite seem mainly concerned with the way the president apparently hurt their feelings.

Beyond Information Revolution. The online version of this article appears in three parts. Click here to go to parts two and three. THE truly revolutionary impact of the Information Revolution is just beginning to be felt. It is something that practically no one foresaw or, indeed, even talked about ten or fifteen years ago: e-commerce — that is, the explosive emergence of the Internet as a major, perhaps eventually the major, worldwide distribution channel for goods, for services, and, surprisingly, for managerial and professional jobs.

This is profoundly changing economies, markets, and industry structures; products and services and their flow; consumer segmentation, consumer values, and consumer behavior; jobs and labor markets. But the impact may be even greater on societies and politics and, above all, on the way we see the world and ourselves in it. At the same time, new and unexpected industries will no doubt emerge, and fast. One is already here: biotechnology. And another: fish farming. It is likely that other new technologies will appear suddenly, leading to major new industries. What they may be is impossible even to guess at.

But it is highly probable — indeed, nearly certain — that they will emerge, and fairly soon. And it is nearly certain that few of them — and few industries based on them — will come out of computer and information technology. Like biotechnology and fish farming, each will emerge from its own unique and unexpected technology.

Of course, these are only predictions. In particular the assumption is that the Information Revolution will be like the Industrial Revolution of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. And that is indeed exactly how the Information Revolution has been during its first fifty years. The Railroad. And the steam engine was to the first Industrial Revolution what the computer has been to the Information Revolution — its trigger, but above all its symbol.

Almost everybody today believes that nothing in economic history has ever moved as fast as, or had a greater impact than, the Information Revolution. But the Industrial Revolution moved at least as fast in the same time span, and had probably an equal impact if not a greater one. In short order it mechanized the great majority of manufacturing processes, beginning with the production of the most important industrial commodity of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries: textiles. The same was true of the products whose manufacture was mechanized by the first Industrial Revolution.

The price of cotton textiles fell by 90 percent in the fifty years spanning the start of the eighteenth century. The production of cotton textiles increased at least fold in Britain alone in the same period. And although textiles were the most visible product of its early years, the Industrial Revolution mechanized the production of practically all other major goods, such as paper, glass, leather, and bricks. Its impact was by no means confined to consumer goods. The production of iron and ironware — for example, wire — became mechanized and steam-driven as fast as did that of textiles, with the same effects on cost, price, and output.

By the end of the Napoleonic Wars the making of guns was steam-driven throughout Europe; cannons were made ten to twenty times as fast as before, and their cost dropped by more than two thirds. By that time Eli Whitney had similarly mechanized the manufacture of muskets in America and had created the first mass-production industry. But psychologically they had come to dominate and soon would politically also. Before there were factories in America, Alexander Hamilton foresaw an industrialized country in his Report on Manufactures.

The social consequences went far beyond factory and working class. As the historian Paul Johnson has pointed out, in A History of the American People , it was the explosive growth of the steam-engine-based textile industry that revived slavery. The Industrial Revolution also had a great impact on the family. The nuclear family had long been the unit of production. The factory, almost for the first time in history, took worker and work out of the home and moved them into the workplace, leaving family members behind — whether spouses of adult factory workers or, especially in the early stages, parents of child factory workers.

It began with the Industrial Revolution — and was in fact a stock concern of those who opposed the Industrial Revolution and the factory system. But despite all these effects, the Industrial Revolution in its first half century only mechanized the production of goods that had been in existence all along. It tremendously increased output and tremendously decreased cost. It created both consumers and consumer products. But the products themselves had been around all along. And products made in the new factories differed from traditional products only in that they were uniform, with fewer defects than existed in products made by any but the top craftsmen of earlier periods.

There was only one important exception, one new product, in those first fifty years: the steamboat, first made practical by Robert Fulton in It had little impact until thirty or forty years later. Then, in , came the railroad, a product truly without precedent, and it forever changed economy, society, and politics.

In retrospect it is difficult to imagine why the invention of the railroad took so long. Rails to move carts had been around in coal mines for a very long time. What could be more obvious than to put a steam engine on a cart to drive it, rather than have it pushed by people or pulled by horses? But the railroad did not emerge from the cart in the mines. It was developed quite independently. And it was not intended to carry freight. On the contrary, for a long time it was seen only as a way to carry people.

Railroads became freight carriers thirty years later, in America. In fact, as late as the s and s the British engineers who were hired to build the railroads of newly Westernized Japan designed them to carry passengers — and to this day Japanese railroads are not equipped to carry freight. But until the first railroad actually began to operate, it was virtually unanticipated. Within five years, however, the Western world was engulfed by the biggest boom history had ever seen — the railroad boom. The railroad was the truly revolutionary element of the Industrial Revolution, for not only did it create a new economic dimension but also it rapidly changed what I would call the mental geography.

For the first time in history human beings had true mobility. For the first time the horizons of ordinary people expanded. Contemporaries immediately realized that a fundamental change in mentality had occurred. As the great French historian Fernand Braudel pointed out in his last major work, The Identity of France , it was the railroad that made France into one nation and one culture. It had previously been a congeries of self-contained regions, held together only politically. And the role of the railroad in creating the American West is, of course, a commonplace in U.

IKE the Industrial Revolution two centuries ago, the Information Revolution so far — that is, since the first computers, in the mids — has only transformed processes that were here all along. Almost none of the effects of information envisaged forty years ago have actually happened. For instance, there has been practically no change in the way major decisions are made in business or government. But the Information Revolution has routinized traditional processes in an untold number of areas.

The software for tuning a piano converts a process that traditionally took three hours into one that takes twenty minutes. There is software for payrolls, for inventory control, for delivery schedules, and for all the other routine processes of a business. Drawing the inside arrangements of a major building heating, water supply, sewerage, and so on such as a prison or a hospital formerly took, say, twenty-five highly skilled draftsmen up to fifty days; now there is a program that enables one draftsman to do the job in a couple of days, at a tiny fraction of the cost. There is software to help people do their tax returns and software that teaches hospital residents how to take out a gall bladder.

The people who now speculate in the stock market online do exactly what their predecessors in the s did while spending hours each day in a brokerage office. The processes have not been changed at all. They have been routinized, step by step, with a tremendous saving in time and, often, in cost.

The psychological impact of the Information Revolution, like that of the Industrial Revolution, has been enormous. It has perhaps been greatest on the way in which young children learn. Beginning at age four and often earlier , children now rapidly develop computer skills, soon surpassing their elders; computers are their toys and their learning tools. Something similar happened in the sixteenth-century university, a hundred years after the invention of the printing press and movable type.

But as to the way we work, the Information Revolution has so far simply routinized what was done all along. The Meaning of E-commerce. And like the railroad years ago, e-commerce is creating a new and distinct boom, rapidly changing the economy, society, and politics. China is heavy and breaks easily, so cheap china is traditionally sold within a small area. Almost overnight this company lost more than half of its market.

Within a few months the main customers in the area shifted to the European supplier. Few of them, it seems, realize — let alone care — that the stuff comes from Europe. In the new mental geography created by the railroad, humanity mastered distance. In the mental geography of e-commerce, distance has been eliminated.

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There is only one economy and only one market. One consequence of this is that every business must become globally competitive, even if it manufactures or sells only within a local or regional market. The competition is not local anymore — in fact, it knows no boundaries. Every company has to become transnational in the way it is run.

Yet the traditional multinational may well become obsolete. It manufactures and distributes in a number of distinct geographies, in which it is a local company. But in e-commerce there are neither local companies nor distinct geographies. Where to manufacture, where to sell, and how to sell will remain important business decisions. But in another twenty years they may no longer determine what a company does, how it does it, and where it does it.

At the same time, it is not yet clear what kinds of goods and services will be bought and sold through e-commerce and what kinds will turn out to be unsuitable for it. This has been true whenever a new distribution channel has arisen. Why, for instance, did the railroad change both the mental and the economic geography of the West, whereas the steamboat — with its equal impact on world trade and passenger traffic — did neither?

Equally unclear has been the impact of more-recent changes in distribution channels — in the shift, for instance, from the local grocery store to the supermarket, from the individual supermarket to the supermarket chain, and from the supermarket chain to Wal-Mart and other discount chains. It is already clear that the shift to e-commerce will be just as eclectic and unexpected. Here are a few examples. Subscribers would then either read text on their computer screens or download it and print it out.

Thus any number of newspapers and magazines, by no means only in the United States, established themselves online; few, so far, have become gold mines. But anyone who twenty years ago predicted the business of Amazon. The first order for the U. It concluded that the Internet would become a major distribution channel for used cars, but that customers would still want to see new cars, to touch them, to test-drive them.

Dealers only deliver cars that customers have chosen well before they enter the dealership. Another example: Traders in the American stock-market boom of and increasingly buy and sell online. But investors seem to be shifting away from buying electronically. The major U.

And whereas almost half of all mutual funds a few years ago were bought electronically, it is estimated that the figure will drop to 35 percent next year and to 20 percent by The result is a completely new labor market. This illustrates another important effect of e-commerce.

New distribution channels change who the customers are. They change not only how customers buy but also what they buy. They change consumer behavior, savings patterns, industry structure — in short, the entire economy. This is what is now happening, and not only in the United States but increasingly in the rest of the developed world, and in a good many emerging countries, including mainland China.

Luther, Machiavelli, and the Salmon. HE railroad made the Industrial Revolution accomplished fact. What had been revolution became establishment. And the boom it triggered lasted almost a hundred years. The technology of the steam engine did not end with the railroad. It led in the s and s to the steam turbine, and in the s and s to the last magnificent American steam locomotives, so beloved by railroad buffs. But the technology centered on the steam engine and in manufacturing operations ceased to be central. Instead the dynamics of the technology shifted to totally new industries that emerged almost immediately after the railroad was invented, not one of which had anything to do with steam or steam engines.

The electric telegraph and photography were first, in the s, followed soon thereafter by optics and farm equipment. The new and different fertilizer industry, which began in the late s, in short order transformed agriculture. Public health became a major and central growth industry, with quarantine, vaccination, the supply of pure water, and sewers, which for the first time in history made the city a more healthful habitat than the countryside.

At the same time came the first anesthetics. With these major new technologies came major new social institutions: the modern postal service, the daily paper, investment banking, and commercial banking, to name just a few. Not one of them had much to do with the steam engine or with the technology of the Industrial Revolution in general. It was these new industries and institutions that by had come to dominate the industrial and economic landscape of the developed countries.

This is very similar to what happened in the printing revolution — the first of the technological revolutions that created the modern world. In the fifty years after , when Gutenberg had perfected the printing press and movable type he had been working on for years, the printing revolution swept Europe and completely changed its economy and its psychology. But the books printed during the first fifty years, the ones called incunabula, contained largely the same texts that monks, in their scriptoria, had for centuries laboriously copied by hand: religious tracts and whatever remained of the writings of antiquity.

Some 7, titles were published in those first fifty years, in 35, editions. At least 6, of these were traditional titles. In other words, in its first fifty years printing made available — and increasingly cheap — traditional information and communication products. It ushered in Protestantism, which conquered half of Europe and, within another twenty years, forced the Catholic Church to reform itself in the other half. Luther used the new medium of print deliberately to restore religion to the center of individual life and of society.

And this unleashed a century and a half of religious reform, religious revolt, religious wars. At the very same time, however, that Luther used print with the avowed intention of restoring Christianity, Machiavelli wrote and published The Prince , the first Western book in more than a thousand years that contained not one biblical quotation and no reference to the writers of antiquity. In short order there was a wealth of purely secular works, what we today call literature: novels and books in science, history, politics, and, soon, economics.

It was not long before the first purely secular art form arose, in England — the modern theater. Brand-new social institutions also arose: the Jesuit order, the Spanish infantry, the first modern navy, and, finally, the sovereign national state. In other words, the printing revolution followed the same trajectory as did the Industrial Revolution, which began years later, and as does the Information Revolution today.

What the new industries and institutions will be, no one can say yet. No one in the s anticipated secular literature, let alone the secular theater. No one in the s anticipated the electric telegraph, or public health, or photography. The one thing to say it again that is highly probable, if not nearly certain, is that the next twenty years will see the emergence of a number of new industries. At the same time, it is nearly certain that few of them will come out of information technology, the computer, data processing, or the Internet.

This is indicated by all historical precedents. But it is true also of the new industries that are already rapidly emerging. Biotechnology, as mentioned, is already here. So is fish farming. Twenty-five years ago salmon was a delicacy. The typical convention dinner gave a choice between chicken and beef. Today salmon is a commodity, and is the other choice on the convention menu. Most salmon today is not caught at sea or in a river but grown on a fish farm.

The same is increasingly true of trout. Soon, apparently, it will be true of a number of other fish. Flounder, for instance, which is to seafood what pork is to meat, is just going into oceanic mass production. This will no doubt lead to the genetic development of new and different fish, just as the domestication of sheep, cows, and chickens led to the development of new breeds among them. But probably a dozen or so technologies are at the stage where biotechnology was twenty-five years ago — that is, ready to emerge.

There is also a service waiting to be born: insurance against the risks of foreign-exchange exposure. Now that every business is part of the global economy, such insurance is as badly needed as was insurance against physical risks fire, flood in the early stages of the Industrial Revolution, when traditional insurance emerged. All the knowledge needed for foreign-exchange insurance is available; only the institution itself is still lacking.

The next two or three decades are likely to see even greater technological change than has occurred in the decades since the emergence of the computer, and also even greater change in industry structures, in the economic landscape, and probably in the social landscape as well. The Gentleman Versus the Technologist. HE new industries that emerged after the railroad owed little technologically to the steam engine or to the Industrial Revolution in general. This was a mind-set that accepted — indeed, eagerly welcomed — invention and innovation.

It was a mind-set that accepted, and eagerly welcomed, new products and new services. It also created the social values that made possible the new industries. But a generation later the technologist — still self-taught — had become the American folk hero and was both socially accepted and financially rewarded.

Samuel Morse, the inventor of the telegraph, may have been the first example; Thomas Edison became the most prominent. By the s England was losing its predominance and beginning to be overtaken as an industrial economy, first by the United States and then by Germany. It is generally accepted that neither economics nor technology was the major reason.

The main cause was social. Economically, and especially financially, England remained the great power until the First World War. Technologically it held its own throughout the nineteenth century. Synthetic dyestuffs, the first products of the modern chemical industry, were invented in England, and so was the steam turbine.

But England did not accept the technologist socially. Nor did England develop the venture capitalist, who has the means and the mentality to finance the unexpected and unproved. Morgan and, simultaneously, in Germany and Japan by the universal bank. But England, although it invented and developed the commercial bank to finance trade, had no institution to finance industry until two German refugees, S. Bribing the Knowledge Worker. HAT might be needed to prevent the United States from becoming the England of the twenty-first century?

What we call the Information Revolution is actually a Knowledge Revolution. What has made it possible to routinize processes is not machinery; the computer is only the trigger. Software is the reorganization of traditional work, based on centuries of experience, through the application of knowledge and especially of systematic, logical analysis. The key is not electronics; it is cognitive science. This means that the key to maintaining leadership in the economy and the technology that are about to emerge is likely to be the social position of knowledge professionals and social acceptance of their values.

Today, however, we are trying to straddle the fence — to maintain the traditional mind-set, in which capital is the key resource and the financier is the boss, while bribing knowledge workers to be content to remain employees by giving them bonuses and stock options. But this, if it can work at all, can work only as long as the emerging industries enjoy a stock-market boom, as the Internet companies have been doing. The next major industries are likely to behave far more like traditional industries — that is, to grow slowly, painfully, laboriously.

But they took twenty years to do so, and it was twenty years of hard work, of struggle, of disappointments and failures, of thrift. This is likely to be true of the industries that will emerge from now on. It is already true of biotechnology. Bribing the knowledge workers on whom these industries depend will therefore simply not work. The key knowledge workers in these businesses will surely continue to expect to share financially in the fruits of their labor. But the financial fruits are likely to take much longer to ripen, if they ripen at all.

Increasingly, performance in these new knowledge-based industries will come to depend on running the institution so as to attract, hold, and motivate knowledge workers. It will have to be done by turning them from subordinates into fellow executives, and from employees, however well paid, into partners. Click here to go to parts one and two. Peter F.

Drucker is a professor of social science at Claremont Graduate School and the author of more than thirty books. His most recent is Management Challenges for the 21st Century Illustration by Valerie Sinclair. All rights reserved. Autore: Beck, Ulrich. La Repubblica , 22 settembre La situazione di ogni singola etnia ci riguarda e dobbiamo farcene carico.

Da Conditio humana. Il rischio separa, esclude, stigmatizza. La marcia trionfale della razionalizzazione si basa sulla promessa di beneficio del rischio e sulla delimitazione a sua volta razionale degli effetti collaterali, delle incertezze e dei pericoli ad esso collegati. In his June 11, op-ed in the New York Times , Paul Krugman goes beyond economic analysis to bring up the morality and the conceptual framing that determines economic policy. Krugman is right to bring these matters up. Markets are not provided by nature.

They are constructed — by laws, rules, and institutions. All of these have moral bases of one sort or another. The only question is, Whose morality? In contemporary America, it is conservative versus progressive morality that governs forms of economic policy. The systems of morality behind economic policies need to be discussed. Government on this view has two moral missions: to protect and empower everyone equally. The means is The Public, which provides infrastructure, public education, and regulations to maximize health, protection and justice, a sustainable environment, systems for information and transportation, and so forth.

The Public is necessary for The Private, especially private enterprise, which relies on all of the above. The liberal market economy maximizes overall freedom by serving public needs: providing needed products at reasonable prices for reasonable profits, paying workers fairly and treating them well, and serving the communities to which they belong. This has been the basis of American democracy from the beginning.

Conservatives hold a different moral perspective, based on an idealized notion of a strict father family. In this model, the father is The Decider, who is in charge, knows right from wrong, and teaches children morality by punishing them painfully when they do wrong, so that they can become disciplined enough to do right and thrive in the market.

If they are not well-off, they are not sufficiently disciplined and so cannot be moral: they deserve their poverty. Applied to conservative politics, this yields a moral hierarchy with the wealthy, morally disciplined citizens deservedly on the top. It is laissez-faire liberty. Responsibility is personal, not social. People should be able to be their own strict fathers, Deciders on their own — the ideal of conservative populists, who are voting their morality not their economic interests. Those who are needy are assumed to be weak and undisciplined and therefore morally lacking. The most moral people are the rich.

Those with no money are undisciplined, not moral, and so should be punished. The poor can earn redemption only by suffering and thus, supposedly, getting an incentive to do better. If you believe all of this, and if you see the world only from this perspective, then you cannot possibly perceive the deep economic truth that The Public is necessary for The Private, for a decent private life and private enterprise.

The denial of this truth, and the desire to eliminate The Public altogether, can unfortunately come naturally and honestly via this moral perspective. Just as the authority of a strict father must always be maintained, so the highest value in this conservative moral system is the preservation, extension, and ultimate victory of the conservative moral system itself. Preaching about the deficit is only a means to an end — eliminating funding for The Public and bringing us closer to permanent conservative domination. From this perspective, the Paul Ryan budget makes sense — cut funding for The Public the antithesis of conservative morality and reward the rich who are the best people from a conservative moral perspective.

Economic truth is irrelevant here. Historically, American democracy is premised on the moral principle that citizens care about each other and that a robust Public is the way to act on that care. Who is the market economy for? All of us. But with the sway of conservative morality, we are moving toward a 1 percent economy — for the bankers, the wealthy investors, and the super rich like the six members of the family that owns Walmart and has accumulated more wealth than the bottom 30 percent of Americans.

Six people! What is wrong with a 1 percent economy? As Joseph Stiglitz has pointed out in The Price of Inequality , the 1 percent economy eliminates opportunity for over a hundred million Americans. From the Land of Opportunity, we are in danger of becoming the Land of Opportunism. The one that is turned on more often gets strongest. Quoting conservative language, even to argue against it, just strengthens conservatism in the brain of people who are morally complex.

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It is vital that they hear the progressive values of the traditional American moral system , the truth that The Public is necessary for The Private, the truth that our freedom depends on a robust Public, and that the economy is for all of us. We must talk about those truths — over and over, every day. To help, we have written The Little Blue Book. Image, courtesy of La Repubblica. On the surface, our youngsters may appear superficial, indifferent, lost in a virtual realm of smartphones and tablets, but the truth of the matter is that they are far more developed than we are.

It is a generation that lives and breathes in a connected, fast, and integral world where political borders do not exist, and where all are citizens of a global sphere. They wish to understand their role in the world and the type of connections they must establish to obtain happiness. This is why they are defiant toward the schooling systems we have built.

It is not lifeless information that they need; they need education. The educational agenda of the 21st century need not be force-feeding information into youths. To make the youth an active force in initiating social change, we must help them understand the laws of the new world. Even more important, we must help them see what they can do to use these laws to their favor. The United States education system really sucks. We continue to toil in a 19th century factory-based model of education, stressing conformity and standardization.

This is all true even though globalization has transformed the world we live in, flipping the status quo of the labor market upside down. The education system has miserably failed in creating students that have the dexterity to think creatively and critically, work collaboratively, and communicate their thoughts. Over the past decade, when government has tried to muddle its way through education, it has gotten fairly ugly. President Bush passed No Child Left Behind and President Obama passed Race to the Top, infatuating our schools with a culture of fill in the bubble tests and drill-and-kill teaching methods.

Schools were transformed into test-preparation factories and the process of memorization and regurgitation hijacked classroom learning. For the 21st century American economy, all economic value will derive from entrepreneurship and innovation. Low-cost manufacturing will essentially be wiped out of this country and shipped to China, India, and other nations. While we may have the top companies in the world, as in Apple and Google, our competitive edge is at risk. The education system was designed to create well-disciplined employees, not entrepreneurs and innovators.

According to Cathy N. I propose that we institute a 21st century model of education, rooted in 21st century learning skills and creativity, imagination, discovery, and project-based learning.

Full text of "A theoretical and practical Italian grammar, by E. Lemmi and mrs. Lemmi"

We need to stop telling kids to shut up, sit down, and listen to the teacher passively. Policy-wise, we need a national curriculum, based on lean standards, so that teachers have the full autonomy to shape and mold the curriculum. Students are left out of the debate, even thought we have the most important opinions. America will need to re-kindle the innovative spirit that has propelled in the past.

Bring on the learning revolution! I hear your concer and your passion. Thank you for speaking up, because people like you lead, inspire and expand what we are as humanity! Looking forward to read your book! Along with sales, marketers primarily gauge their performance by measuring awareness and brand attributes ratings in surveys. And this seems to make sense. People are often aware of the ad messages; what they are unaware of is how they are influenced by the messages.

The attributes that drive decisions are often unstated because they are unconscious, or what cognitive scientists call non-declarative or implicit memory. These implicit associations often determine preferences through gut feelings that override critical thinking. Mitchell of the University of Toronto demonstrated this when they exposed participants to made-up brands paired with a set of pictures and words, some negative and some positive.

After seeing hundreds of images paired with brands, the subjects were unable to recall which brands were associated with which pictures and words, but they still expressed a preference for the positively conditioned brands. In a follow-up experiment, participants were presented with product information that contradicted their earlier impressions, offering them reasons to reject their brand preferences, but they still chose those with the positive associations.

Conflicting factual information did not undo the prior conditioning. The associated feelings superseded rational analysis. Therefore memories and response repertoires can be formed without us ever knowing. Neuroscientist Joseph LeDoux gives an example of how this might happen. Similarly we fabricate positive meaning about product attributes without logic or awareness.

Take, for instance, our dual brand purchases of teeth whitener and mouthwash. Why would anyone brush with toothpaste clinically proven to whiten teeth and then rinse with a brightly colored green mouthwash containing blue dye 1 and yellow dye 5? Through repetition of exposure to other colored products, our unconscious minds have learned to associate the color green with the feeling of fresh and clean, overriding the reasons for buying whitening toothpaste. This is why Coke Clear and Crystal Pepsi failed in the early s. We see with our brains not just our eyes.

Peacocks spread their intricate plumage to imply their natural beauty conferred by good genes, their ability to find ample food to sustain the health of the tremendous tail, and their speed and agility in avoiding predators in spite of its cumbersome size. The brands we choose are symbols that signify traits that mark our success and worth in the pecking order. And, like the peacock, we often have no conscious awareness of why we are doing it.

I have created a seven-step process to scientifically unveil how marketing really works. These are the seven steps:. Step 6 is: Change the Associations. Take for instance what many industry experts consider the most brilliantly successful ad campaign of all time: the revered and reviled Marlboro Man. When ad executive Leo Burnett conceived the cowboy he created the most remarkable about-face in ad history.

Offering intimations of rebellion, adventure, fearlessness, and strength, the ads celebrated the heroes and villains of the time popularized by Western films. And even when we uncover the deeper meaning with projective qualitative tools like storytelling, imagery, and metaphors, etc. The challenge for marketers defies logic and awareness.

We must identify sometimes illogical traits we unknowingly aspire to have as people and communicate those in advertising. He is also a marketing consultant whose approach to advertising and marketing draws from unconscious behaviorism and applies neurobiology, evolutionary psychology, and behavioral economics to business problems. He has worked at agencies in N. Douglas Van Praet Author. One of the few benefits of very long plane rides to Europe is a chance to read without interruptions. I saw an article online by the author and it his ideas fit well with a marketing conference I was organizing with colleagues so I knew I had to learn more.

He is the EVP at an award winning advertising agency Deutsch LA and he focuses on account planning and strategic insights. From my days at The Annenberg School of Communications at The University of Pennsylvania, I have always been interested in behavioral sciences, anthropology and non-verbal communications. Since the topic for this conference I mentioned above is focused on the huge discrepancy between what a consumer says in research versus their actual behavior, I hoped the book would provide some ideas and an approach to the issues.

When I answer a question on a survey, how well can I actually answer a question like why I bought a product? I can tell you why I did these things but is it true? Can I accurately explain my motivation. A great example of this is buying gasoline. I stumbled upon the reason why I prefer Exxon even when it is a few cents more per gallon.

Of course, I never made that connection consciously until recently. This is an exceptional well-written book that poses a fairly simple premise. How can neuroscience empower and inspire marketing. Another way of saying this is that instead of relying on what consumers say, understanding their behavior at an unconscious level can be powerful.

How people act and the motivation for those actions can give clarity to a marketing professional to understand how to affect purchase behavior. The book helps explains some of the core motivation behind our behaviors and our decision making process. He approaches marketing by trying to explain and understand how we act. Through fascinating examples of classic ad campaigns, he outlines the unconscious connection that helps make the effort so successful at touching consumers and motivating them to purchase.

The role of interrupting perceptual and behavioral patterns 2. How to create customers comforts with a brand 3. Lead the imagination to a desired conclusion or outcome 4. Shift consumer feeling in favor of a product 5. Satisfy the critical filter of resistance in the mind 6. Change the association by which memory and the mind work 7. Generate actions ingraining positive brand impressions that become second nature. Best of all, this book treats consumers, target markets, demographics as human beings.

It is an important distinction since the author explains how human motivation at an unconscious level helps us understand how we can change attitudes and behaviors when we are marketing products. I like the human approach to marketing and the author articulates these idea like a mensch. Yiddish for a really fine human being. I learned from this book that the word emotion and motivation both come from the latin root to move. This helps us understand that key to both connecting emotional and motivating a behavior that taking action is required.

When you touch a hot stove, you learn to stay away from the painful experience. When a brand disappoints you by promising something and not delivering, you move away from that brand. Harnessing this insight can help you motivate a human consumer to take an action and move toward your brand and its solutions. The book is filled with examples from traditional and non-traditional advertising and marketing campaigns.

The founder of Red Bull created a strange brew. His oddly flavored caffeine spiked beverage received the lowest scores in research for taste and purchase intention. Yet, the Australian born Dietrich Mateschitz understood the importance of emotional branding and motivational communications. He created unique emotional experiences through experiential marketing that linked the product to the emotional rollercoaster of stimulating experiences.

Marco Mengoni - L'essenziale (Videoclip)

His recent Red Bull Stratos is one of the cleverest marketing events to associate emotion with a brand I have ever witnesses. This is branding by masters. So pick up a copy of Unconscious Branding. It is available at Amazon or your favorite independent bookstores but I bet you unconsciously knew that. Asking consumers what they want, or why they do what they do, is like asking the political affiliation of a tuna fish sandwich.

They are talking to themselves, not to the deeper desires of people, rationalizing the need for the wrong tools aimed at the wrong target, and the wrong mind. They have hamstrung an industry based upon backwards thinking by encouraging concepts that beat the research testing system, rather than move people in the real world.

Not surprisingly, there is a sea of sameness and mediocrity and merely 2 out of 10 products launched in the U. The truth is the unconscious mind, the seat of our motivations, communicates in feelings, not words. We have created a society that honors the servant and has forgotten the gift. My frustration with the tools of my trade led me to search for a more enlightening message. I found it not in the research of marketers but in the research of cognitive authorities in evolutionary psychology, neurobiology, and behavioral economics.

I became a behavioral change therapist specializing in unconscious behaviorism, helping people change their lives for the better, the same things they seek in brands. I reverse-engineered what I learned, starting with the things that were proven to yield real results in real people.

I trovare 69 Principe will not go there; so I will not see you. I have not la notte, been there. I do think of it. It answers to the French word en;a3 I have as many of them as are requisite, We speak of it moming and even- ing. After the first act he went away. Not knowing him, I cannot speak of him, She persuaded us to remain, I come from that place. Ke ho tanti eke mi baatano.

Ne parliamo maUina e sera, Dopo il prima otto sene ando.

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If on conoscendolo, non posso parlame. EUa ne persuaae a reatare, lo ne vengo. I have only two or three of them , I will give you one very interest- ing, Ne cannot be used to supply the noun omitted in English when the yerb of the proposition is essere, unless it be the impersonal verb there be. Avete dei libri itcdiani f Ne ho due o ire solamente. Ve ne daro uno io intereasan- tisaimo. That is a handsome watch you have! There are three. Ve ne aono tre.

If you are afraid of them, do not go there. Mio, mia, Tuo, ttia, Suo, sua, Nostra, nostra miei, turn, suoi, nostri. Vostro, vostra, Loro, loro, vostri, loro. In Italian, the article is usually prefixed to the possessive pronouns ; as My duty, His promises. Our friends, The article is omitted when the pronoun precedes nouns of kindred or rank in the singular, loro excepted, as it must always be accompanied by the article ; as II mio dovere.

Your mother and your sister were at my aunt's house. II loro cugino abita in Firenze, When the noun of kindred or rank precedes the pronoun, the article is put before the noun ; as Your Excellency, Our father. Jj Eccellenza voatra. II padre nostro. When the noun is preceded by an adjective, the pronoun takes the article ; also, if the noun be a diminutiTe.

My excellent father, II w,io ottimo padre. I have given a book to my Ho dato al mio fratellino un little brother, lihro. The following nouns which may be substituted for nouns of kindred, take the article when used with a pos- sessive pronoun j as II mio germano, instead of fratello, brother. In Italian, the pronouns agree with the thing pos- sessed, not with the possessor ; as His house is delightfully situated, Her little dog has bitten a boy.

II suo cagnolino Ka morso un ragazzo. Le sue figlie studiano la lingua francese. Mj mother is gone for three months to the country with lU my brother. His adventures have made a great sensation amongst his awentura fatto fra friends ; but he thinks that all the world takes an equal egli si crede sHnteressi interest in his exploits. She has sent to his brother a handsome gold watch. Eceellenza hewero brandy. Majesty the Queen of Spain. Spagna, amato morto. The English pronouns mine, thine, kc. JS vostro. When the possessive pronouns are preceded by inde- terminate or demonstrative pronouns, the article is omitted.

Ogni nostra felicita. Datdo a questo mio amieo. Ho letto un altro suo libra. All our happiness. Give it to this friend of mine, I have read another of his books, These pronouns are sometimes used with the verb to he, unaccompanied either by the article or noun ; when they convey an idea of property or possession.

Since I please you so much, I am I Sono disposta, posdache to cost willing to become yours, vi piaccio, a voler esser vostra. La vecchia disse a colui, allora: vieni e domanda 11 tuo. Fu pregato dal suol. Avendo combattvto valorosor mente, 1 nostri vinsero la hattaglia. Having valiantly fought, our troops gained the battle. I take off my hat, Thou destroyest thy health, He broke his arm. Egli si ruppe il hraccio. But when the action of the verb is not directed to its subject, the possessive pronoun is replaced by the con- junctive pronoun in the dative case ; as I broke his arm, I kissed her hands.

The possessive pronoun may also be omitted before nouns which relate to the subject of the proposition, es- pecially before nouns of kindred j as Have you any money in your pocket, This poor child has lost his father and his mother. Avete danari in tasca? Questo povero fanciullo ha per- duto il padre e la madre. One's own, is rendered in Italian by proprio. A friend of mine has learned drawing in less than a art.

Ogni perdere, Questo mine knows very well your brothers. QuBSTO, this, serves to indicate an object near the person who speaks. These pronouns are declinable, and can only be accom- panied by prepositions, never by articles. This wine is not so good as that which we drank yesterday, Thoie beaatlfii] little eyes of yours would persuade a blind JDXtk, Giye a little bread to that poor creature, ThoM words bitterly stung the king's soul, I do not know how to answer those words, Those boys make too much noise, more, These pronouns can be used substantively to express this man, this woman.

Qvetti, costesti, quegli, are used in the nominative singu- lar, to express this man, that many this yiie, thai one. Questo vino- 1 men btumo di quelle che hevemmo ieri. Cotesti voatri occhietti perswide' rebbero un cieco. Date a quel poverino un poco di pane, Queste parole amaramente pun- aero Tanimo del Be, A coteste parole nan so che ri- spondere, Quei ragaazi fanno troppo ru- I would wish to examine that man who still lives, and does not name himself, to see if I know him. This is my Lord ; this is really Mr. Torello, I willingly leave aside those who haye taken husbands against the will of their fsithers.

Questi i U mio Signore ; questi veram. Questo and qtiello are used in Italian to signify the former, the latter, when they relate mostly to inanimate things. Questi and quegli must be employed in reference to animate things, but only as masculine nominatives. He has two sons ; one is at Paris, the other at London; the for. The following demonstrative pronouns are always used substantively, and they can only represent persons : CosTUi, Masc.

CosTEi, Fem. CoLEi, Fem. These pronouns are often used to express contempt, when they correspond to the English words fellow, wretch; they should therefore be used with caution ; ex. Here Electra makes use of the word cold, in speaking with hor- ror of her mother, by whom her father had been killed. What shall we do to that fellow? Do not follow that woman's ex- ample. Che farem not, diceva V uno alV altrOf di costui?

Non aeguitar I'esempio di costei. Costoro sentendo paaaare coloro che Pietro menavano, vennero ad unafinestra a vedere. The words that, this, so, when used in reference to an anterior sentence, are translated bj dd, which is never joined to a noun ; as Having done so, they went to table, I do not mean that, We will speak of this another time. Di cid parleremo un' aUra voUa. What and that which are translated by dd che, quel che, or qaello che.

That which you say does not con- sole me in the least, I beg you will pardon me for what I said to you last Sunday, All, all that, all which, may be rendered bj tvtto dd che, tutto quel che, or qtumto. Quel che tu did non mi conaola punto, lo vi prego mi perdoniate di cid che io domenica vi diasi. I did all that my strength permitted me, I will do all I can to be useful to you, Fed tutto cid che le mie forze mi permisero. Let us speak to that man; he will be able to tell us eglipotrcL where those fellows are gone.

FaU dico do all I can to reward you. Chi, Chb, Cui, Quale. Che, U qucUcy la quale, who, which. Di cut, del quale, delta quale, of whom, of which. Aoa Che, cui, U quale, la quale, whom, which. Da cui, dal quale, dalla quale, from or by whom or which. Chi, Who.

Di chi c queato libro? Chi 8ono coloro che aUraveraa la piazza? Di chi parlate? A chi k diretta cotesta lettera. Diffidatevi di chi vi adtda. Chi requires the verb which relates to it to be the singular, except the verb essere, to be. Those who grieve at it do not do their duty, He asked him who were his ene- mies. Tell me who were your relations?

Chi di do si rammarica non quel che dee, Gli domando chi fossero i m nemici. Dimmi chi furono t tuoi partim CHI, means some,.. They walked about the streets, some carrying in their hands flowers, some sweet herbs, and others medical plants, Andavano attomo portando fu mani, chi Jiori, chi erhe Oi rifere, e chi diverse maniere spezierie.

Who has sent you this beautiful nosegay 1 — Those w! Who could answer such a foolish argument 1 — The potrebhe rispondere ad un argomento si sciocco? These two pronouns are used for interrogatives ; quale means which of two, or of many ] che or che cosa means only what. I saw him in the wood, walking in that path of which I have often spoken to yon. H che relates to a preceding part of the phrase, and translates which ; as I found them eating, which I began to do likewise.

Li trovai che mangiawmo, U che to pvrfeeL I Che or quale sventura! What a grief! Quale or che dolore! Quale maj be employed as a distributive when it corresponds to some. Che is employed in place of in cui, in which : From the time that or in which I saw her. She is in a state in which litUe hope remains for her. Dal tempo che or in cui la vidi.

The hone that I have sold. Ho veduto la persona di cui mi parlaste, II cavaUo che ho vendvJto, Cui is often used unaccompanied by the preposi- tions, and it maybe placed between the article and the noun when it translates whose : You to whom fortune has given the command of this fine conntiy, The good man whose death you limient. The man to whose generosity I owe my life, Voi cui fortuna ha poato in ma- no il freno ddU belle con- trade.

H buon uomo la cui morte pian- gete. Le grazie onde va adoma. Onde is also used in prose to render in order to, in order that: I send you his brother, in order I Vi mando suofraieUo, onde to induce him to come, J indurlo a venire, The gentleman who left at nine o'clock, and the signore partire ind. God ; the former for having means to relieve the wants inf. Egli attrihuisce betrayed him. A lui la cura e la aollecittuiine di tutta la nostra famiglia coTnmetto, B. Zdly, Without the article, in the sense of every thing : And that kind sage that knew all things, said to comfort me, Equel aavio gentil che tutto seppe, Disse per confortarmi, D.

Aihly, With the article before, it expresses the whole, to have great power : E percid e la parte e il tutto come vi place prendete. E il tutto a carte. Loro tutto rotto e tutto pesto, it trassero dalle mani. Before a noun of number preceded by ttUto, the particle e should be placed : What are you all three looking for at this hour?

Ogni, Every, each, Ogni oosa means everj thing. Ogni is also used adverbially ; as ogni dove, per ogni dove, in ogniluogo, when it means every where, wherever, which is also rendered by ovunque, dovunque: Cfhiaramente come staio era U fatto, narro ogni cosa. He related clearly every thing as it had happened, It was then clear to me how every where in Heaven Para- dise exists, Ognuno, ognuka, mean every one, each, and are synonymous with ciascuno, ciascheduno : And in every case the layman was obliged to conceal the sins he heard in confession, as a priest would have done.

And he rolled down the valley to Minos who grasps at everyone. E non cessb di rovinare a vaUe, Fino a Minos che ciascheduno afferra, D. A flatterer is of all domestic enemies the most dangerous. He does not dare to tell me all his reasons. Altro, Other, Altro, used as a neuter substantive, means something else, another thing; and in this case it does not take the article; as Pretending to laugh at some- thing else, It is one thing to speak of death, but another to die, Senibiante facendo di rider d' altro.

Some laugh at it, some weep for it, Altri ne ride, altri ne piange, JNon ddbhiam toglier V al- trui. There is no one at home, He answered that he did not wish to have anything to say to it, Nothing could relieve his mind, I know nothing of it, He said nothing to me, Rispose ch! Niente poteva sollevar V ani- mo 8U0. Non ne so nulla. Nulla mi disse. Be careful not to do to others that which you would Procurate fare non not wish that others should do to you. No one can understand these fellow's language.

Some of which grew like a oommon apple, Qualche donna, Qualche uomo. DeUe quail alcune creseevctno come una comunal mda. Kon conosco alcuno in questopaeae. When the words some, any, hare no noun after tbem, they must be rendered by the relative pronoun ne and not by qualche; as We have some, I Ke ahbiamo.

Vol piii una, particeUa f onore che qualsiyoglia con del mondo. Per quanto, whatever, however, as, before an ad- jective is indeclinable, and maj also be rendered by the simple preposition per. Before a substantive it must agree with the word to which it relates; as However rich he may be I will not marry him. Whatever friends they may have. However bad she may have been. Per ricco che sia non lo voglio sposare. Per qiianti amici eglino dbhiano. Per quanto cattiva ella fosse. Ambo, Entbahbi, Ambidue, Both. These pronouns are followed by the definite article when they precede a noun ; as I bit both my hands from grief, They were both condenmed to death, Ambo le mani per dolor mi morsi.

L'uN l'altbo conveys an idea of reciprocity ; l'un b l'altro expresses simply plurality; as They murdered one another. L' un e r altro hanno ragione. Neitheb, employed as a negative conjunction, is rendered in Italian by ni ; but as a pronoun it must be translated by ne Vun ni V altro; as I neither affirm ncr deny it, I saw neither of them, lo non lo affermo nfe lo nego.

Non vidi nh V un nb V altro. Several, a few, is translated by parecchi. Such a MAN, by un tale. Sing us some pretty song. I have some, Volete 16G thank you. Additional Exercise on the preceding Rules, At the death of his father he will have seyen thousand a-year. In Italian there are three Conjugations, known hj the terminations are, ere, ire. The following table, besides the auxiliary verbs to he, and to have, contains a model of those conjugations which may serve for all the regular verbs.

We have given two models of verbs of the third conjuga- tion ending in ire. The first and most regular form is that of UTvire; but the verbs so conjugated are much less nu- merous than those which follow the second model, unire. Verbs conjugated like unire, are from this irregularity, called verbs in isco. If the verb to he alone comes between the pronoun ella and an adjective, the latter must be feminine and agree with dla ; but if any other verb instead of to he is employed, the adjective agrees with the person addressed ; that is, mas- culine for a gentleman, and feminine for a lady.

The following verbs in ire are conjugated like servire : Aprire, to open. Acconsentire, to consent. Bollire, to boil. Compartire, to divide. Coprire, to cover. Convertire, to convert. Dipartire, IHvertire, Dormire, Fuggire, to depart, to amuse, to sleep, to fly. The following verbs in ire may be conjugated either a servire or unire : Ahorrire, to abhor. Avvertire, to warn. Jnghiottire, to swallow, Inverdire, to grow green.

Languire, Mentire, NutrirCy Proseguire, to languisk to lie. All the other verbs in ire are conjugated like uniri except those to be found in the Table of the irregular vert in ire. DarCy to give ; pres. Fare, to do; pres. The derivatives are conjugated in the same way. Stare, to remain ; pres. In the following tables of verbs, the irregular tenses only are given; the other tenses, being regular, are understood to have the same inflection as that of the regular verbs given in the Table of Conjugations, p.

Accendere, to kindle ; pret. Accorrere, to hasten, v. Accrescere, to Hugment, v. Affiggere, to post up, Y. Affliggeret to afflict; pret. Aggiungere or aggitignere, to add, V. Algere, to freeze, p. AUudere, to allude, v. AmmeUere, to admit, v. AnciderCy to kill, p. Anteparref to prefer, v. Apporre, to add, v.

Apprendere, to learn, v. Arrenderai, to surrender, ref. ArriderCf to smile, v. Arrogere, to adjust, to confer, has only the sing, of the third person present, arroge. Aacendere, to ascend, v. Aacondere, to hide ; pret. Aacrivere, to inscribe, y. Aapergere, to sprinkle, v. Aaaolvere,io absolve; pret. Aatergerey to clean, p. Aatringere or aatrigneref to con- strain, V. Attendere, to wait, v. Attenere, to keep one's word, t. Attingere, or cUtignere, to reach, V.

Attorcere, to twist, v. Avvinceret to bind, y. Awolgere, to envelope, v. Gaggere, to fall, an ancient verb, of which only caggia and cag- gendo are used by the poets. Chiedere, to ask ; pres. Chiudere, to shut; pret. Circonddere, to circumcise, y. Girconacrivere, to circumscribe, v. Cocere, to cook, y. CoglierCf or corre, to gather, v. Commettere, to commit, v. Gommovere, to affect, y. Gompiangere, to pity, y.

Comprimere, to compress, v. Compungere, or eompugnere, to grieve, v. Cwehitidere, to conclude, y. Concorrere, to concur, v. Gondeecendere, condiscendere, to condescend, v. Gongiungere, or congitignere, to unite, y. Goneistere, to consist, y. Gonspergere, or coapergere, to be- sprinkle, Y. Gonaumere, to consume, y. Gontendere, to dispute, y. Gontrapporref to oppose, v. GotUrarre, or contraere, to con- tract, y. Gonvincere, to convince, v. Gorreggere, to correct, v. Gorrere, to run ; pret. Gorrispondere, to correspond, v. Gorrodere, to corrode, v.

Gorrompere, to corrupt, v. Goepargere, to strew, v. Cospergere, to water, v. Gostringere, or coatrignere, to con- strain, v. Greacere, to grow; pret. Guocere, to cook ; pret. Dedurre, to deduce, v. Deludere, to delude : pret. Deprimere, to depress, v. DeriderCj to deride, v. DeaisterCt to desist, v. Detrarre, to deduct, v. Diffondere, to pour out, Y. Dimettere, to forgive, pardon, v. Dipingere, dipignere, to depict, v. Diaapprendere, to unlearn, or for- get, V. Diaciorre, and dUciogliere, to un- tie, V.

Discorrere, to discourse, y. DiacuterCf to discuss ; pret. Diagiungere, and disgiugnere, to separate, v.

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Diattiettere, to dismiss, v. DUmavere, or dismuovere, to avert V. Dtsporre, to dispose, v. Distendere, to extend, v. Distinguere, to distioguisb, v. Distrarre, or distraere, to distract, V. Distruggere, to destroy, v. Dividere, to divide, y. Eleggere, to elect, to choose, t. Elidere, to retrench, v. Eludere, to elude, y. Ergere, to erect; p. Escludere, to exclude, v. Esigere, to exact; part, esatto. Esistere, to exist, v.

Esprimere, to express, v. Estendere, to extend, v. EsHnguere, to extinguish ; pret. Estrarre, to extract, v. Fendere, to split; pret. Fipgere, to affix, v. Fingere, to feign, v. Fondere, to melt; pret. Frammettere, to interpose, v. Frangere, to break ; pret. Frapporre to intermeddle, t.

Giungere, or givgnere, to join or arrive ; pret. Illudere, to deceive; y. Immergere, to plunge, y. Imprimere, to impress, y. Inckiudere, to inclose, y. Incidere, to engrave, y. Indtidere, to include, y. Incorrere, to incur, y. Increscere, to be sorry, y.

Indurre, or inducerCf to induce, y. Infingere, to dissemble, y. Infondere, to infuse, y. Ingiungere, or ingiugnere, to en- join, V. Inscrivere, to inscribe, y. InHatere, to insist, y. Intendere, to understand, y. Interporre, or intraporre, to in- terpose, V. Intraprendere, to undertake, v. Intridere, to dilute, v. Introdurre, to introduce, v. Meacere, to mix ; pret mesciuto. MeUere, to put; pret. Mcrderty to bite; pret. Naacere, to be bom ; pret. Naaconderef to conceal, v. Offendere, to oifend ; pret. Ommettere, to omit, v. Opporre, to oppose, v.

Opprimeref to oppress ; pret. Percorrere, to run over, v. Perdere, to lose ; pret. Permettere, to permit,' v. Piangere, or piagnara, to weep, Y. Pingere, or pignere, to paint ; pret. Porgere, to present ; pret. Posporre, to postpone, v. Premettere, to place before, v. Preporre, to prefer, v. Preacegliere, to choose before, v. Prescrivere, to prescribe, v. Pretendere, to pretend, v. Pretermettere, to omit, v. Produrre, to produce, v. Promettere, to promise, v. Promovere, or promuovere, to pro- mote, V. Proporre, or proponere, to pro- pose, V.

Prorompere, to break forth, r. Proicritfere, to proscribe, v. Proteggere, to protect; pret. Protrarre or protraere, to pro- tract, v. Rabbattere, to diminish, v. Raceogliere or raecorre, to collect y. Recidere, to cut ; pret. Reggere, to rule ; pret. Some conjugate this verb like vendere, regular. Reprimere, to repress; pret. Resistere, to resist, v. Respingere, or respignere, to re- pulse, V.

Riaceendere, to light again, v. Riardere, to scorch, t. Richiedere, to ask again, t. CQ- noscere, Ricorrere, to recur, v. Ricorreggere, to correct anew, y. Riieggere, to read again y. Uggere, Rilucere, to shine: pret. Rimettere, to remit y. Rimordere, to bite again, y. Here, e to twist, or wring again, :ere,!

Sciogliere, or eciorre, to untie, or loosen ; pres. ScommeUere, to bet, v. Scomporre, to derange, v. Scantorcere, to wrest, to wreath, V. Scorrere, to run in haste, slide, v. Scuotere, to shake, v. Sedurre, to seduce, v. Smvovere, to stir, v. Soggiungere, or soggiugnere, to add, V. Sopraggiungere, or sopraggiug- nerCf to come unexpectedly, v.

Soprapporre, to place aboTe, v. Soprascriveref to snpenoribe, v. Sorprendere, to surprise, v. Sorrideref to smile, v. Soscrivere, to subscribe, v.

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Sospingere, or sospignere, to push, V. SoUomettere, gommeUere, to sub- mit, V. SoUoporre, to subdue, v. SoUrarre, to substract, v. Sovraggiungere, to happen unex- pectedly, v. SpargerCf to spread, scatter ; pret. Spegnerej or apengere, to extin- guish; pret. SpingerCt or apignere, to push; pret. Sporgere, to project, jut out, v. StenderCf to extend, v. Straccocere, to cook too much, y. Stravolgere, to turn, to wrest, v. Stringtre, or alrignere,to aqmeen, to press ; pret.

Svolgere, to unfold, y. Snpphorre, to suppose, y. Torcere, to bend, to iwist ; pret torai, torceati, Ac. Tradurre, to translate, v. Tramettere, to put between, r.

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Trarre, or traere, to draw ; pres. Traacorrere, to transgress, to nm over, V. Bcri- vere. Trarfonderef to transfuse, v. Vivere, to live ; pret. Volgere, to turn j pret. Without this remark the pupil might suppose the S, from having an accent, should be pronounced grave or broad. Tedere, Assidersit to sit down, ref. Awedersi, to perceive, ref. Bare, to drink, p. Se- vere is regular, and generally used in prose. Cadere, to fall; pret. Calere, to care, to be concerned for, p. Condolersif to condole with, ref. Contenere, to contain, v. Diapiaeere, to displease, y. Equiralere, to be equivalent, v.

Intertenere or intrattenere, to en- tertain, V. Leeere and licere, to be permitted or licensed. These verbs have only the third person singular of the present tense of the in- dicative, lece and lice, and are merely employed in poetry. Mantenere, to maintain, v. Ottenere, to obtain, v. Persuadere, to persuade; pret. Ptacere, to please, v. Potere, to be able; pres. Presedere, to preside, v. Prevalere, to prevail, v. Prevedere, to foresee, y. Rattenere, to arrest, y. Riatere, to have again, y. H- mango, rtmant, rvmane, rtma- niamoy rimanete, rimangono; pret. Risedere, to reside, v. Ritenere, to retain, y.

Rived ere, to see again, y. Rivolere, to will again, y. Sedere, to sit dovm; pres. Soprcusedere, to supersede, t. Sostenere, to sustain, v. Sprotredere, to leaye destitute, y. Heni, tenga, ten- tamo, tenete,tengano; pres. TraUenere, to entertain, y. Travedere, to see double, y. VcUere, to be worth; pres. Volere, to be willing; pres. Apparire, to appear, like unite, but the pret.

It is the same with eomparire. Assorbire, to absorb, like unire ; but the part, past makes aetor- bito or assorto, Awenire, to arriye, y. Benedire, to bless, y. Circonvenire, to circumyent, y. Comparire, to appear before, y. Construire or costruire, to con- Contraddire, to contradict, y. Contrawenire, to contrayene, y. Cueire, to sew ; pres. Dire, to tell, to say ; pres. DtiConretUre, to disagree, v. Empire, to fill ; pres. Eseire, to go out, v. Instruire, to instruct, like unire ; but in the pret. Ire, to go, p.

Morire, to die; pres. Ofrire, to offer, v. Pervenire, to attain, v. Predire, to predict, v. Prevenire, to prevent, y. This yerb, introduced in poetry, has only riedi, thou retumest; riede, he returns. Ricoprire, to coyer again, y. Riescire, to succeed ; y. Rinvenire, to find again, y. Risowenire, to recollect, y. Rivenire, to return, y. Salire, to ascend ; pres. Sconvenire, to be unbecoming, y. Scoprire, to discover, y. Seguire, to follow ; pres. The prosaic verb for to go is andart. Venire, to come; pres. Uscire or escire, to go out ; pres. A VERB. When the verb expresses an action which passes ibe subject to the object, it may be called transitive; jrbs of this class form their compound tenses with xiliary to have : mother loves the children, re loved, and I love Guis- rdo.

La madre ama ifigUuoU. Io ho amatOf ed amo Guis- cardo, B. When the action expressed by the verb remains ed to the subject, the verb is intransitive, and con- itly has no object j intransitive verbs form their com-. He was bom in Italy, I am bom of honest parents, I have come to recompense yon for the injuries, that you have suffered on my account. Egli nacqne in Italia. ERa parla a sua soreUa. Many yerbs are conjugated in English witb the auxiliary to have, being considered transitive, whilst in Italian we use the verb to he: I have repented, Thou hast flattered thyself.

She has boasted, We have gloried.