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The Georgicks of Virgil, with an English Translation and Notes Virgil, John Martyn Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, Pierius says it is confecto in the Roman manuscript. And Tacitus also says the Germans used to make caves to defend them from the severity of winter, .

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Londini, "A curious'Work. Stephani This leanedgentleman was educated under Budmeus and Masurus, from whom he learnt Greek, in Francis I. Examen de la Theologie e M. Resurrection founded on Justice; a Vindication in Answer to the objections of the learned Dr.

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Hody, small 8vo. Dyce, fine portrait, 12mo. Topham Beauclerk, F. Paterson, April, , royal 8vo. Life, by Caroline A. RIalsted, portrait, 8vo. Matthew's Gospel, with a Literal Commentary, 8vo. Battista Cola, plate of the tiurder of the A2rehbishop, by Isabella Picini, inserted, thick 4to. Henry II. Sarum, For a notice of this esteemed work, see Retrospective Review, Vol. Johnston, best edition, 4 vols. Lovell Poems, with a Memoir of him, thick 12mo.

Pickering, Son of the celebrated Dr. Expedition to explore the Northern Coast of Africa, from Tripoly eastward, in to 22, with an Account of the Greater Syrtis and Cyrenaica, and the Ancient Cities composing the Pentapolis, 22 maps and plates, 4to.


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Watson highly commends the Works of this Author. Parr, portraits of Burke, Fox, and Lord North, 8vo. Londini, The Preface by Dr. Samuel Parr, a fine specimen of Latinity,-see Mr. Hallam's History of Literature. Bellenden, a Scotchman, dedicated his book, de Statu, to Prince Charles in Parr thought it worth re-editing in Isham, ex dono Cl. Pontificis Max. Romam missi, thick 8vo. Some of these letters, from and to some of the most eminent persons of that time, are dated as early as , the latest, Bentley, A fearful but faithful narrative.

Elzevir, "' This work is no doubt a curiosity as the production of a Jewish Rabbi in the 12th Century. Discourses on the Evidences of Christianity, his Hulsean Lectures for , 8vo. Cambridge, - Supplement to, by Mr. William Stevenson, F. Richard Works; viz. Alexander Dyce, 3 vols. Dyce is a good scholar and a careful editor. Bentley could not have fallen into better hands. Charles Boyle, 8vo. Cambridge, "Best edition of a most valuable work, whioh should be studied by every man who is desirous of forming just notions of Biblical Criticism. Herbert Marsh.

Copies have sold from 8 to 10 guineas. Adventures of Hajji Baba, of Ispahan, by Morier. Novae Novi Orbis Historise, lib. Calvetonis Opera et Italicis, et de Gallorum in Floridam expeditione, et insigni Hispanorum in eos stevitiae exemplo, Brevis Iistoria, 8vo. Lectures on the Liturgy of the Church of England, abridged from Waldo, 12mo.

Lectures on the Offices, , and VI. Lectures on the Penitential Psalms, , all by Berens, in one volume. In MS. This is Sansovino's continuation of Bergamo's Chronicle to Orbis Eruditi Literatura a charactere Samaritico deducta, ed. Carolus Morton, M. Morton, who, in , printed an improved edition of the learned Edward Bernard's Table of Oriental and other Alphabets. There are above distinct Alphabets here. Boyle's house. Annii Commentatione, tomus prior, thick 18mo.

Temporalem, Contents, Xenophon de 2Equivocis. Manethonis Supp. Ure, plates, 2 vols. Gazzeri, plates, 8vo. Mawe, plates, 16mo. Richardson, F. Traite Elementaire de Mineralogie, plates, thick 8vo. Visitation Sermon, at the Cathedral, June 16th, , 8vo. Thesaurus Theologicus; a Complete System of Divinity, 2 vols. Firenze, G. Manni, This is the 2nd edition, not noticed by Haym, who dates the 1st, , but that has not the Dissertation. Bianchini was a Member of the Academy at Florence. But this copy is valuable on account of having the Autograph of the very learned Hadrian Beverland -thus, " aadriani Beverlandi et Amicorum Lugduni in Batavis, ," in it.

Ainsworth," the learned Annotator on the Pentateuch. Cantabrig ce J. Field, " The very learned Preface, of 19 pages, to this edition by the celebrated Bishop Pearson will interest the Biblical student. Antverpie, Miartinus Ctesar, This edition, which was prohibited, and which was printed in the same year that Luther published his translation into German, is a reprint of Robert Stephens's of ; it is printed in long lines, with the same Concord ances and marginal Notes; the Title is enclosed within a well-executed Wood-cut Border.

At the end is a memorandum " byme Thomas Wattes, 24 Oct. Mary Brudenell. Scio, 8vo. Londini, "Dr. Buchanan and Professor Lee edited these beautiful editions of the Scriptures, printed at the expense of the Bible Society. They were received with much gratitude by the Syrian Christians in India. Table of principal things, 18 pages, 4to. Cotton's List, p. Pinchard of Taunton,,somersetshire, not Devon, as Dr.

Cotton says, p. Pickering's sale. The most interesting memorial of the reign of Elizabeth. It contains a double version of the Psalms, namely, that of the Great Bible, in addition to that by the Bishops. Barker, This is a very fine clean copy of the Breeches Bible, in old oak impressed boards, with brass bosses and clasps, stout russia back. It belonged to the family of Aldridge, and has some of their births and deaths recorded in MS. Two Tables, Common Prayer, , in 1 vol. Sternhold and Hopkins's Psalms, , in 1 thick vol. Lea Wilson's Collection. See Dr. Cotton's List of Editions of the Bible, p.

Cotton, in his list of editions of the Bible, says are in the edition of At the end are " Sternhold and Hopkins's Psalms," printed by R. Badger, Lea Wilson had two copies of Stafford's edition, of , in 4to but not this folio, which is a very handsome book. Bohn's Edit. Robertson, , an edition which has escaped Dr. Cotton's researches too. Printed in the year This Bible is printed in a small Diamond type. As it has no Printer's name mentioned it was probably printed abroad, but as it has not Canne's Marginal Notes it cannot be his.

Not in Lewis's or Dr. Cotton's Lists. It is the Genevan Translation, and was printed simultaneously at Amsterdam and in London. Cotton tells us he has seen it, but he does not say wvhere one is to be found. Dibdin and other bibliographers have doubted their existence. They are, however, easily distinguished by the large vignettes, which, in the small paper copies are replaced by fluerons. Cotton's List. Geddes, vol. Classes; I. Monosyllabic; II. Shemitic; III. Indo-European; IV.

Ugro-Tartarian; V. Polynesian or Malayan; VI. African; VII. American; VIII. Mixed or Patois. Philip Bliss. Fry, of Bristol, there was likewise a limited impression of only copies. James Beresford,] 12mo. Roorbach, royal 8vo. Griffiths, portraits, royal 8vo. Edwards, March, , neatly priced, small 8vo. Birks, 2 vols. Mellificium Theologicum ad Disputandum et Concionandum proficuum, fine portrait, 5 vols.

Biography of 68 Celebrated Roman Characters, plates, 12mo. Kippis, 5 vols. Darton, - Cycloptedia of Biography, numerous cuts, thick 8vo. Wakefield, l2mo. It is commended by Foreign Critics. Bologna, per C. Zenero, Period embraced to James 1. Both Birks were born in Norwich. Plantini, This History extends from to Sir Christopher Hatton's copy. Duncan, Lonyman's, " Dr.

Blair's Chronological Tables have long been the favourite Manual of readers of History. The present volume has been re-constructed from the folio edition by a Literary friend. The thorough revision of the MS. Rosse, double vol. Bohn, The repeating column of dates is a useful novelty of Mr. Bohn's invention, indeed the plan and arrangement of this edition are exclusively his own. Index of Dates, alphabetically arranged, being an Index to the above Tables, by J.

Rosse, 2 vols. Bohn, This is an indispensable adjunct to the Chronological Tables, both of which should find a place on the shelves of every Historical enquirer. Hugh Sermons, with his Life, by Dr. Finlayson, portrait, 8vo. Blandy, Fellow of Pemb. Oxford, small 4to. Not to be found in Lowndes. Four Months in Algeria, with a Visit to Carthage, maps and plates, 8vo. Philip Bliss, sold by Auction, June, , by Messrs. Sotheby and Wilkinson, priced, 8vo. Laurence and W. Coulson, 8vo. Treatises on Cosmographie, Astronomie, Geographie, and Navigation, 7th edit.

Hartwell, plates, thick 4to. Lectures on the History of St. Paul, during Lent, , at Chelsea, vol. Paul, 2 vols. Churhes of Asia, 12mo. Sketch of the Reformation in England, 18mo. Francesco Sansovino, 4to. Date cut off. I think this is the Amsterdam edition of , priced by Mr. Chaucer and Fontaine though they lived almost years apart, are equally indebted to Boccaccio.

He flourished in the middle of the XIVth Century. Creutz, 18mo. Elevir, " Boccalini was received into the Academies of Italy, where he gained great applause by his Political Discourses, and his elegant criticisms. Coke's copy. See Brunet, who has given too long a note for transcription. Fiorenza, Filp2po Giunti, This version of Varchi's was thought worthy to be reprinted by Bodoni, at Parma, in Causton, 8vo.

Guinea Catalogue of Books, very thick 8vo. It contains an immense amount of information, and the books are remarkably well, and most correctly described. I would on no account part with it had I not two. Picart, 4 vols. English-Dutch and Dutch-English Dictionary, 2 vols. Popeana, no date; Jacob's Rape of the Smock, ; Four Poems in Praise of Tobacco; Jesus Grove, Night, in Imitation of Milton; Apology for the Writings of Walter Moyle, Chunradi ad Reges et Principes, 4to, limp sellum, scarce, 6s.. Venetiis, I cannot find this Author mentioned in Biographical Dictionaries. WoolwichJ Introduction to Astronomy, plates, 8vo.

Churton, no date. Arch, , 21, 23, 25, 28, Bohn, Godicchenii, With E. Bartholinus's approbation. Des Carrieres, portrait by W. Hinks, 8vo. Paris, This is a very choice copy of this book. Paris, " The Honble. Edward Coke, Esq. Jenkins, 12mo. Samuel Johnson highly commends it. Samuel Johnson, 8vo. James II. Forster, maps and charts, 4to. Batty, 18mo. Ross, portrait, 12mo. Chester, J. Bowdich's continuation of his 3rd African Voyage, until his Death, coloured plates, 4to. Joseph John Gurney's copy, with his Book-plate.

Origin of Printing, the substance of Dr. Middleton's and Mr. Meerman's accounts, 8vo. Nichols, " This work cannot but be acceptable to every critical reader of the New Testament; it is the best collection of conjectural emendations and remarks which has yet appeared. Egan, portraits, 3 vols. Hall, William Howitt, and others, numerous plates, 12mo. Canterbury, Contains both the Lists of Subscribers, which Mr. Upcott thought were generally cancelled when the volume was completed. Shepherd, frontispiece, 8vo.

Samuel Parr. Bramston, Esq. Bourne's Antiquitates Yulgares, 8vo. Newcastle upon Tyne, Stewart, in May, with prices and purchasers' names, 8vo. Bentinck Hawkins, of 23, Gt. Marlborough St. June 20, , thanking Mr. Pickering for the loan of this Catalogue. Treatise on the Law of Divorce and Matrimonial Causes, 12mo. Edward Pelham Naval History, portraits, maps, and plates, 2 vols.

Tractatus de Pr'edicabilibus et Prvedicamentis; item, Tractat. Ordo Perantiquus Judiciorum Civilium eorumque Solennia, 4to. Bretaigne," in a very old hand. Toland's Nazarenus, 8vo. Guide to the Scientific Knowledge of Things Familiar, thick 18mo. Charles Christian Ministry, 12mo. Cumming, post 8vo. Bohn, - Kidd's Dr. John Physical Condition of Man, post 8vo. William Astronomy and General Physics,portrait, post 8vo. John, Illustrated with an Analysis and Scholions, 3rd edition much enlarged, very thick 8vo. Norwich, Wilkin, 41 Mrs. Opie, with T. Martyn's Catalogue of Privately printed Books, p.

Elemens de Physiologie YVggtale et de Botanique, 3 vols. Lederlini, thick 8vo. John Thompson, In 1 vol. George Davey, the publisher, to the late Mr. Charles Muskett. Evans, with Charles Tovey's compliments. Smith, This little volume has been most highly extolled, and very deservedly so, it is a most useful Manual. Winter Jones, its compiler. Arms of the Ancient Nobility and Gentry of N. On Jeffrey of Monmouth's British History.

On the Discovery of America by the Welsh more than three hundred years before Columbus. Celebrated Poems of Taliesin, in Sapphic verse. Memoirs of Edward Llwyd, antiquary, by Rev. Owen, This is a very nice volume, and the Tracts are uncommon. Personal and Literary Memoir of the Author. Account of his Literary Works. Edinburgh, "Mr. Brodie is a man of research and independence of mind; his History is a work of weight and learning.

Evangelia enarrationum, pars 2nda, 8vo. D1upuys, A remarkably beautiful specimen of contemporaneous impressed wooden binding, with the date, , on it. Classification et caracteres Mineralogiques des Roches, homegenes et heterogenes, 8vo. Familiar Introduction to Crystallography, wood cuts, post 8vo. General Gazeteer, maps, 8vo.

Knight, - Rhetorical and Literary Dissertations and Addresses, post 8vo. Fisher 4 Co. Darwin's Zoonomia, 8vo. Thomas on the Physiology of the Human Mind, 8vo. Thomas Dictionary of the Scottish Language, 12mo. Wilkin, portrait, 3 vols. See, also, Dr. Johnson's Life of him. Shaw, 12mo. Contains private anecdotes of Peter I.

Bruce was a military officer in the services of Prussia, Russia, and G. Britain, to Charlotte Lennox, 3 vols. Lennox was assisted in this work by the Earl of Cork and Orrery, and Dr. Samuel Johnson. The preliminary Essay on the Ancient Drama is highly esteemed.

Manuel du Libraire, et de l'amateur de Livres, 4 vols. Un Nouveau Dictionnaire Bibliographique. Une Table en forme de Catalogue Raisonne, 5 vols. Paris, The 4th and best edition, of one of the best books a bibliographer can be possessed of. It is not now obtainable, being entirely out of print. Oxford, Best edition of a, very interesting Memoir. Buchanan was sent into the Countries he surveyed, by order of Government, and enjoyed singular advantages. Uiie, A beautifully printed edition. Baxium, 12mo. Pontani libris desumpta, 18mo.

Pichonium Latinw facter, 4to. Benenatumzz, " IIs k, nwlee'. Bud6 might be compiared with the first Orators of Ancient Atheens. Duntonz, for the Author, Bugg, against the Quakers, in 1 vol. Bugg was originally a Quaker; these Tracts shew him to have been very virulent against them. Omnibus orbis terrarum mortalibus Hercules Chymicus morborum debellator, sive, Aurum Philosophorum Potabile, 4to. Student, and England and the English, plates, 12mo. Ascent of Mont Blanc, See ilont Blanc. Cheever, nuzmerous elegant cuts by Dalziel after ][arvey, crown 8vo. Pictet, Pasteur et Professeur d Geseve.

Travels to Syria and the Holy Land, portrait, maps, andplans, 4to. Edmund Works, 6 vols. Gurney's copy, with his book-plate.

Mentioned In

He reminds us of Bacon's multifarious knowledge and the exuberance of his learned fancy; while his many-lettered diction recalls to mind the first of English poets, and his immortal verse, rich with the spoils of all sciences and all times. Gilbert History of the Reformation of the Church of England, illustrated with portraits, 6 vols.

He obtained the thanks of both Houses of Parliament on the appearance of the first volume of his History of the Reformation. White, folio, fine clean copy, in old calf, gilt, 12s Charles I. James Ist's time. Articles of the Church of England, folio, old calf, neat, 3s 6d - another copy, 8vo.

Leighton, Hion. Robert Boyle and others, with Notes by ]Bp. Jebb, 12mo. Original Sermons by Bishop Burnet, to Burnet's Funeral Sermon for Abp. Tillotson, Thomas Bennett, Aug. Hervey's recommendatory Preface. Edinburgh, Pickering, - Works and Life, edited by Robert Chambers, 4 vols. Lockhart, Sir Walter Scott's son-in-law, 8vo. Edi:zburgh, This edition is out of print, it has a full-length Portrait of Burns, by Miller, after Nasmyth, on India paper.

Epistolte dune. De Cerebri ortu et usu Medico. De Artificio oculorum humores restituendi, 4to. Oxford, Henry Cripps, - another edition, with an Account of his Life, 2 vols. This, and Bembo's subsequent sojourn at the court of Urbino, helped authorize him to appear as central spokesman on Neoplatonic love in the courtly manual par excellence, Castiglione's dialogue Il cortegiano, first drafted in ; by this time Bembo had already written Books 1 and 2 of the Prose, and he completed Book 3 while serving as papal secretary at still another court, that of Pope Leo X.

The intersection of Bembo's biography with Castiglione's text suggests yet another way to consider Venice's codification of courtly values. One of the tropes shared by Il cortegiano and the Prose is that of decorum, which dictates that style should always be modified to suit given occasions and subjects. If their shared commitment to decorum did not lead each author to the same linguistic and lexical norms, with Bembo advocating a formal Tuscan that diverged from the lingua cortegiana favored by Castiglione, it nonetheless points to deeper impulses that form a common substratum between them.

Such impulses are expressed in the persona Castiglione urges on the ideal courtier, a persona rooted in a gestalt that goes beyond the particular form of any momentary rhetorical stance. As Wayne A. Rebhorn has claimed, its essence lies in a perpetual desire to conform to whatever subject or situation is at hand. Castiglione elaborates the notion in Book 2, Chap. At bottom he. Brucker, Renaissance Florence New York, , pp.

For a revisionist view that calls into question the elitism and isolationism traditionally thought to typify Ficino's Florentine circle, see Arthur Field, The Origins of the Platonic Academy of Florence Princeton, , esp. Field's argument however is mainly relevant to conditions of the Florentine context itself, for it rethinks realities of the Laurentian court, rather than the modes by which outsiders typically idealized it. Girolamo Arnaldi and Manlio Pastore Stocchi, vol.

Robert W. Hanning and David Rosand New Haven, , esp. All of this stoical decorum adds up to a well-tended, varied performance, as the continuation of Federico's explanation makes clear: "Therefore the courtier must know how to avail himself of the virtues, and sometimes set one in contrast or opposition with another in order to draw more attention to it" emphasis mine. Style was varied for effect. Federico elaborates the idea in a lengthy analogy between the courtier's mixing of virtues and the painter's chiaroscuro. This is what a good painter does when by the use of shadow he distinguishes clearly the light on his reliefs, and similarly by the use of light deepens the shadows of plane surfaces and brings different colors together in such a way that each one is brought out more sharply through the contrast; and the placing of figures in opposition to each other assists the painter in his purpose.

In the same way, gentleness is most impressive in a man who is a capable and courageous warrior; and just as his boldness is magnified by his modesty, so his modesty is enhanced and more apparent on account of his boldness. Yet such contrast must be carried off "discreetly" and without obvious "affectation": that is the key to success, since those slight inflections of display will act to entrance the beholder.

Knights at Court

Bembo insisted on these qualities for the writer perhaps even more strenuously than Castiglione did for the general courtier. Like Castiglione, Bembo depoliticized. See also numerous essays in Hanning and Rosand, eds. Ettore Bonora, 2d ed. Bull, p. Ciceronian rhetorical norms in the process, replacing the dynamic involvement with current affairs that inspired Cicero's oratorical model with cerebral ideals of refined detachment. Courtly ways were no more excised from the elastic social fabric of Venice than from its literary norms; rather they existed in varying degrees of comfort side by side with indigenous republican ones.

The model of the princely establishment even had its analogue in the internal structure of the Venetian government. The doge, although an elected official of the state, had minimal control over policy. He stood in for Venetians as a kind of princely surrogate, divested of real political power but heavily imbued with symbolic force. His principal functions were to guard civic values and to maintain an overarching awareness of public issues. Even the Venetian political historian Gasparo Contarini admitted that the doge's exterior was one of "princely honor, dignitie, and royall appearing shew.

The paradox of the doge remains a telling one. As Edward Muir has written, "in this image one can see the nexus at which many of the tensions in Venetian society. Bouwsma, Venice and the Defense of Republican Liberty: Renaissance Values in the Age of the Counter Reformation Berkeley and Los Angeles, , discusses the tendency in cinquecento Venice toward standardization and fixity in academic matters, relating its presence in Bembo to his lack of interest in contemporary events of historical importance pp.

Thomas M. Greene, The Light in Troy: Imitation and Discovery in Renaissance Poetry New Haven, , similarly links the formal perfection sought by Bembo to a "refusal to respond to contemporary history" p. Carlo Dionisotti, Geografia e storia della letteratura italiana Turin, , notes in "Chierici e laici" that Bembo's detachment from political consciousness and service represents a striking break from an earlier Venetian tradition of the scholar-public servant p.

Finally, on the Venetian nobility's retreat from the urban realities of commerce, trade, banking, and shipbuilding in the sixteenth century in favor of more idealized existences linked to mainland farming and real estate see Brian Pullan, "The Occupations and Investments of the Venetian Nobility in the Midto Late-Sixteenth Century," in ibid.

The inherent conflict between Castiglione's monarchism and Bembo's republicanism is taken up by Woodhouse, Baldesar Castiglione, pp. Herein lay another paradox to catch Venetians in an existential bind: despite the much-restricted ideological place assigned to luxuria, the city had more than a healthy share of it in domains outside the strictly communal. This, after all, was the same city that revealed to the artistic world sensuous new realms of color and light and boasted the most beautiful women in Europe.

Like its elegant palazzi and gracious waterways, its resistance to invasion, and its invincibility at sea, sensual beauty and luxuriance formed fabled parts of Venetian lore. Many a foreigner commented on the richness and delights to be had in the city, even while remarking on its odd habits of thrift and modesty. As well as being skilled conversationalists and writers, many of these courtesans were singers, often apparently improvising and accompanying themselves on instruments such as the lute or spinet — this in an age that sheltered women closely and kept most nonpatrician women illiterate.

The honest courtesan's success in sixteenth-century Venice thus offers a paradigm for how the city, with its pliable and equivocal social structures, could become an extraordinary resource for inhabitants not born into a full measure of its benefits. Mayer London, , pp.

For further on this see Margaret F. Margaret W. Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy J. Vickers Chicago, , pp. For an important collection of essays emphasizing the resources offered for the fashioning of identity by the ambiguities and social complexities of early modern city life see Susan Zimmerman and Ronald F. Weissman, eds. Nancy K. Miller New York, , pp. A few managed to gain fame through the press, plying the arena of public discourse in order to advance their social and economic positions. The most remarkable of these women was Veronica Franco, a cittadina and daughter of a procuress who became a major poet in the s and an intimate of the literary salon of Domenico Venier.

In one noted instance she parried a detractor by boasting an array of linguistic arms. Franco's bravura served her well in the ambivalent world that cherished the honest courtesan even as it scorned her. As Margaret F. Rosenthal and Ann Rosalind Jones have shown, in speaking out in areas where women had been largely silenced, vaunting her proficiencies in the verbal arts and challenging her defamer in the terms of a male duel, Franco violated a gendered system of rhetorical orthodoxies.

Franco was only one of many nonpatricians who ameliorated their marginal social positions by utilizing the city's opportunities for self-promotion and social. Abdelkader Salza Bari, , no. Jones, "City Women and Their Audiences," p. Another, outstanding for our purposes, was Willaert's student, the organist, composer, and vernacular author Girolamo Parabosco, a Piacentine who arrived in Venice around Like her, too, he came from a bourgeois family.

In the humble words he professed to Giovanni Andrea dell'Anguillara:. Not his birth but his virtue makes a man worthy of honor, Parabosco claims, not rank but merit. He himself is no nobleman, not to say Tuscan — that is, linguistic aristocratic — but a mere citizen from modest Lombardy. Later in the same capitolo he alludes to his eminent position in the city as if only to thank those in Venice more highly placed than he. Parabosco's was no mean duty. With this prestigious title, Parabosco held a trump card among literary colleagues in the city's populous salons,.

The will is an ironic reminder of cinquecento disarticulations between the real and the represented: by contrast with Parabosco's satiric projections of libertinism in the Lettere amorose, Lettere famigliari, and elsewhere see Chap. Bianchini, not surprisingly, is credulous on this score; see, for example, pp. Probably ducato is a pun "ducat" as well as "duchy". His position placed him conveniently betwixt and between — between professional musicians and literati, between nobles and commoners — a situation that made good capital in Venetian society.

Elsewhere Parabosco pressed the view that real nobility came from inner worth and not from birthright. His letter to Antonio Bargo of 18 November affected shock at Bargo's attempt to ingratiate him with an unworthy acquaintance, at his wanting him "to believe that it is a good thing to revere men who live dishonorably, so long as they come from honorable families. Parabosco answered Bargo in the spirit of familiar vernacular invective that had recently been popularized by Pietro Aretino and followers of his like Anton-francesco Doni. In meting out satiric censure in letters, capitoli, and sonetti risposti, Parabosco engaged in complicated strategies of challenge and riposte, wielding his interlocutors' rhetoric to his own ends.

Defending his comedies against certain nameless critics in a letter to Count Alessandro Lambertino, for instance, he shot off a battery of rejoinders, the last of which protested that "some benevolence" should be shown him in the city of Venice, since with all his "study, diligence, and labor. Some years earlier, writing the literary theorist Bernardino Daniello along similar.

Antonio amico carissimo, io ho ricevuto la vostra de vinisette del passato, nella qual havete vanamente speso una grandissima fatica, volendomi far credere che sia ben fatto portar riverenza a gli huomini, che dishonoratamente vivono ancora che usciti di honorevole famiglia. Bargo is almost surely the same as Antonio Barges, a Netherlandish maestro di cappella at the Casa Grande of Venice between at least and when he transferred to Treviso and a close friend of Parabosco's teacher Willaert.

Richard Nice Cambridge, , pt. Heather Dubrow and Richard Strier Chicago, , pp. Letter dated 5 August Again his protestations were voiced in the language of Venetian panegyric as it was handed down in civic mythology — or a quasi-satiric inflation of it. Apart from his position on the issue of love, he insisted, he "always spoke of the aged with infinite reverence, especially in this sanctified and blessed Venice, today sole defense of Italy and true dwelling of faith, justice, and clemency, in which there are an infinite number [of old people], any one of whom with his prudence could easily govern the Empire of the whole world.

With these paradoxical rhetorical stances, writers like Franco and Parabosco could avail themselves of transgressive possibilities inherent in the diverse literary genres newly stimulated by Venetian print, yet still align themselves with the prevailing power structure. They were at once iconoclasts and panderers. In both roles they seized the chance to shape their own public images, as Franco told her adversary so unequivocally.

Doni, the plebeian Florentine son of a scissors maker, represented at its most venal the phenomenon of making capital of the social breach. After an unsatisfying start as a monk, he fled Florence for the life of a nomadic man of letters, arriving in Piacenza in and in Venice the following year. But I hearten myself with having as much patience to die as they have the stupidity to live. As if to underscore his irreverent manipulation of printed words and the contradictory strategies that the two of them crafted, Doni's letter then made out as if to return Parabosco's laudatory sonnet with a matching risposta.

Like Parabosco's, Doni's skill at social climbing played a role in Venetian madrigalian developments, if one more mercenary than musical. He possessed a rudi-. Girolamo Parabosco [Venice, ], fol. The letter, undated, comes from the First Book, which was first printed in as Lettere amorose. Venier's stanza set by Donato, Chap. Doni's eclecticism depended on the city's flexible structures. It leaned away from the elitist, totalizing aesthetic of Bembo toward the grittier, more syncretistic one that the city paradoxically made possible. This is evident in his most famous joining of musical and literary worlds, the Dialogo della musica, published in by Girolamo Scotto shortly after Doni's arrival in Venice, in which he playfully recreated the casual evenings of an academic assembly.

As noted by Alfred Einstein and James Haar, the first of the Dialogo' s two parts is unmistakably set in provincial Piacenza, where a circle that formed around the poet Lodovico Domenichi took on the title Accademia Ortolana. Only Arcadelt and da Milano had no strong known connection with Venice. Doni was always fascinated by this sort of academic life. He gives an account of current academies in the last pages of his Seconda libraria Venice, In between they freely interpolate sight-readings of music — mainly madrigals.

At the outset the interlocutors decide on the style of their encounters with characteristic self-consciousness. Once Doni enters the expanded world of Venice in Part 2, new personalities double his resources. Now eight interlocutors are present: Bargo and Michele from Part 1, a woman called Selvaggia, the composers Parabosco and Perissone, Domenichi and Ottavio Landi from Piacenza, and the composer Claudio Veggio, who seems to have been connected with both cities.

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Pieces handed out from Michele's pouch [ carnaiolo ] now accommodate up to all eight of those present. Once again the speakers begin with reflections on their relations to one another and remarks on their use of conventions, all the while laughing at their own bows and curtsies.

Tanto ch'io son nel numero delle donne onorate e che per mio amore si fa questa musica, io vi ringrazio e v'ho tropp'obbligo e con Parabosco e con tutti. Dico appunto baie, come tu hai cominciato di servidore e di certe cose, che fra noi non s'usano alla reale da' musici, da' pittori, scultori, da' soldati e da' poeti. Dialogo della musica, p. At this they move on. Doni continues to aim for the informal realism of a private academy, moving the speakers in and out of their commitment to the discourse and sustaining their self-conscious scrutinies.

After the initial gallantries Parabosco announces that their company has been ordered to speak about a beautiful woman by Grullone and Oste. Since neither Grullone nor Oste is there, they sing instead a madrigal about a donna bella set by the obscure Noleth. This prompts a trifling speech by Domenichi on what makes a woman beautiful, in the course of which Doni quotes his own epistolary eulogy of the Piacentine beauty Isabetta Guasca — probably the real-life name of the Dialogo 's Selvaggia.

In this way Doni presents the salon not only as a dynamic space for arbitrating different styles and tempers but as a vehicle for self-display and self-fashioning. The salon thus functioned like the occasional and intertextual verse of Franco and Parabosco. Salons encouraged the sort of juggling for position and exposure common to places of barter.

The nobility who formed the salons' main patrons were more receptive to ambitious commoners than they had been before. And by the mid-sixteenth century the means for winning intellectual and artistic recognition within the bustling city had become more diversified and more ample than ever. Not surprisingly, ambitions proved only more fierce as a result. The ascendency of the private salon following on the heels of Venetian print culture brought quick changes of players, fast renown, rapid dissemination of ideas and artifacts, and above all pressures to excel and adapt quickly to new fashions.

The idea of the marketplace, then, is not just metaphorical, for marketplace economies held a material relevance in the city's salons. The salon was not only the concrete locus of patronage, with all that winning patronage entailed; even more crucially, the busy commercial aspect of the city — with its large mercantile patriciate, its steady influx of well-heeled and cultivated visitors, and its thriving presses — increasingly animated.

On Guasca see Haar, "Notes on the Dialogo della musica, " p. Another Piacentine and favorite poet of early madrigalists, Luigi Cassola, addressed her in his Madrigali Venice, , verso of penultimate folio. For the extensive popular literature containing similar encomia of women see Chap. New Haven, , pp. The heterogeneity and lack of fixity that typified these salons were interwoven threads in a single social fabric. The very immunity of private groups to concrete description, so confounding to the modern historian, lies at the core of their identity.

One of their defining characteristics, this loose organization and openness to change was essential to forming competitive groups. Private gatherings in salons, though often described in contemporary literature as accademie a term I use here , were in fact only distant predecessors of more formalized academies that proliferated later in the century. Instead, they protected their cultural cachet in the safe seclusion of domestic spaces, where discussion, debate, and performance were private. Rather than demanding fixity from either their activities or adherents, they thrived on the easy accommodation and continual intermingling of new ideas and faces.

This is true both of academies that concentrated on literary enterprises in the vernacular — poetry, letters, plays, editions, and treatises on popular theories of love and language [62] — and of those musical academies linked to the circle of Willaert. The gatherings of Venetian noblemen like Marcantonio Trivisano and Antonio Zantani or of transplanted Florentines like Neri Capponi and Ruberto Strozzi are all known only from scattered accounts and allusions.

By reducing them all for convenience to the single epithet academy, I mean to stress their historical relationship to the later groups, but not to confuse their structures with the formalized ones of those later academies. The generic names applied to academic salons during this time were as changeable as their makeups — accademia, ridotto, adunanza, or cenacolo. Still informative if partly outdated , particularly because they incorporate less-fixed academic groups, are the older studies of Michele Battagia, Delle accademie veneziane: dissertazione storica Venice, , and Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d'Italia, 5 vols.

Bologna, See also Achille Olivieri, "L'intellettuale e le accademie fra ' e ' Verona e Venezia," Archivio veneto, 5th ser. Outside this pattern are a very few public-minded and philologically oriented academies that grew up earlier in the century; in the early cinquecento this includes the Neacademia of Aldus Manutius, devoted to Greek scholarship, and at midcentury the Accademia Veneziana, also known as the Accademia della Fama, devoted to an encyclopedic agenda of learning and publication.

In the remainder of Part 1, I try to depict the textures of vernacular patronage in Venice by focusing on the private worlds of figures such as these. Chapter 2 begins with the pair of Florentine exiles Capponi and Strozzi, apparently the main private benefactors of Willaert and Rore, respectively, from about the late s until the mids. As rich aristocrats and singers of domestic music, they represent a kind of private patronage that shunned the popularizing commodifications made by the likes of Parabosco.

They stand in sharp opposition to another foreign patron, Gottardo Occagna, who sponsored prints of vernacular music and letters in Venice from about to Fictitious printed letters to Occagna from Parabosco that feigned public displays of private diversions suggest he colluded with vernacular artists in mounting the Venetian social ladder. Central to my assessments of both Occagna and the other protagonist of Chapter 3, the patrician Zantani, are the ways in which social images were fashioned through the rhetoric of Petrarchan love lyrics. The juxtaposition of Occagna's and Zantani's cases shows that while those outside the Venetian patriarchy might invert this rhetoric to mobilize their positions, the local aristocracy sought out ennobling texts and images to reinforce their status claims.

Zantani probably promoted some of the many encomia of his wife that were made in the rhetoric of Petrarchan praise, and he engineered several printed volumes that could bring him renown, not least an anthology with four of the madrigals from Willaert's then still unpublished Musica nova corpus. All of these figures are maddeningly elusive to our backward gaze. It is only in Chapter 4, with the salon of another native patrician, Domenico Venier — a friend of vernacular music whose palace was the literary hub of midcentury Venice — that we come to see the full richness of exchange, the gala of personalities, the competitive forces they set in motion, and the fruitful intersection of art and ideas that the flexible social formation of Venice allowed.

Throughout much of the s and beyond Venice sheltered a colony of exiled Florentines, the fuorusciti. As a group, the fuorusciti were highly aristocratic and educated, well versed in music and letters, and eminently equipped to indulge expensive cultural habits.

Before long he had established what became the most sophisticated musical academy in Venice, headed by Willaert and graced by the acclaimed soprano Polissena Pecorina. Like other private patrons, Capponi seems to have gathered his academists under his own roof, where they flourished in the early s and almost surely premiered much of Willaert's Musica nova. Another Florentine, Ruberto Strozzi, lodged intermittently in the city during the thirties and forties in the course of far-ranging business and political errands that accelerated after his family was banished from Florence in The portion of the Frari's archive at I-Vas designated "Scuola dei fiorentini" lacks items for the years to For an informative essay emphasizing the literary aspect of Florentine exiles in Venice see Valerio Vianello, "Tra Firenze e Venezia: il fenomeno del fuoruscitismo," in Il letterato, l'accademia, il libro: contributi sulla cultura veneta del cinquecento, Biblioteca Veneta, no.

See further on Capponi's genealogy in n. Agee was cautious about concluding definitively that the Neri Capponi of musical fame is the same as the one appearing in many Strozzi letters, but cross-references in the letters combined with Passerini's genealogy cited in n. Canciano along the lovely Rio dei Santissimi Apostoli Plate 7. In the early to mid-forties, as he tore about Italy and France, Ruberto is known to have bought up madrigals and motets by Cipriano de Rore.

The coincidence of the Florentine presence in Venice with the flourishing of Venetian madrigals was fateful. Florentines made their way into Venice following a long history of political strife in their own city, whose republican edifice by then had collapsed. During the years spent in Florence, these exiles had sustained a long tradition vigorously promoting Italian vocal music.

It was only natural that they should have continued it once abroad. The patronage of both Capponi and Strozzi was aggressively acquisitive, seeking sole ownership of important new settings. But their interest was not mere collection. Each was groomed in gentlemen's musical skills and moved in patrician circles that practiced part singing. In both political and artistic realms the vicissitudes and imaginative powers of Ruberto's father had played a dominant role — a role that is critical for our understanding of the next generation's construction of this heritage and its relationship to Venetian music.

Ruberto was the son of Filippo di Filippo Strozzi, the most prominent Florentine banker of the first third of the century and, by many reckonings, for most of his life the richest man in Italy. Niccolini, Filippo Strozzi, tragedia Florence, , p. Sagredo believed that the Strozzi house was "quella ora del Weber dove altre volte era la famosa Biblioteca Svajer" p.

This house stands at the Ponte di San Canciano by the so-called Traghetto di Murano and is now numbered in the sestiere of Cannaregio. See further in Giuseppe Tassini, Alcuni palazzi ed antichi edifichi di Venezia storicamente illustrati con annotazioni Venice, , pp.

Lino Moretti Venice, , p. For an English text see the trans. Gargani Florence, , who claimed that "nella ricchezza fu solo, e senza comparazione di qualsivoglia uomo d'Italia" p. Ruberto and Neri were thus first cousins, and Filippo Strozzi, Neri's uncle. By the mid-thirties, however, owing to Strozzi clashes with the new duke, Alessandro de' Medici, Filippo's family and its immediate associates had been cast into a restless and embittered exile.

In the course of this, Filippo's banking interests were managed from abroad, mostly by employees from the ranks of the fuorusciti. Venice was just one of several cities that received substantial Strozzi business, along with Rome, Naples, Lyons, and Seville. To clarify the precarious social and political situation in which Filippo, his family, and their Florentine allies found themselves in the s, it is necessary to look briefly back over the long-standing Strozzi relationship with the Medici. In , during Florence's next-to-last republic, the headstrong Filippo became engaged to Clarice de' Medici.

At that time her family was banished from the city. The engagement was a brash move on Filippo's part that drew horror and fury from his half-brother Alfonso and members of the extended Strozzi clan, who held at the time at least tentative favor with the Ottimati government. With the Medici restoration of Filippo found himself ideally placed to exploit the financial interests and favor of Clarice's uncle Giovanni, who assumed the papacy as Leo X the following year. In the decades up to Filippo bankrolled two Medici popes in his role as papal financier, culminating in with his dowering of a Medici bride for the future king of France, Henry of Orleans, at the staggering sum of , scudi.

Note, however, Agee's cautions concerning some apparent genealogical confusion in her discussion of these marriages, "Ruberto Strozzi," p. Pompeo Litta Milan, , which is variously ordered and bound in the different copies that survive. The copy in I-Vas includes 14 vols. Luigi Passerini , in vol. Neri's grandfather is described there as a very rich banker who opened a banking house at Lyons. Our Neri, born 6 March , appears as the oldest of ten children.

On a single occasion in , at the institution of the College of the Knights of St. Peter, Giulio de' Medici, then Pope Clement VII, awarded him eleven titles of the office of knight in return for credits totaling 9, ducats; he divided them among four of his sons, giving three to Ruberto. Until Clement VII's death in September Filippo's political position experienced only one real setback when he abandoned Rome for Florence shortly before the sack in to take the helm of popular republican leadership.

Having failed in that role, he was temporarily forced to pursue interests abroad. But by he had reforged Medici bonds in Florence and Rome and resumed principal residence in the latter city. It was only after several years of renewed papal collaboration that Filippo's seemingly unbreakable financial edifice began to crack with the death of the pope — Filippo's primary debtor and Medici supporter.

Filippo still boasted a sprawling empire and had much to protect in the continued prestige of the Strozzi family. But any goodwill toward them that remained among Medici at home was dwindling fast. Filippo's wealth and leverage among princes posed an immediate threat to the collateral line of the Medici headed by the dissolute Duke Alessandro, now in firm — and monarchical — command of the patria with imperial support. Alessandro grew increasingly suspicious of Filippo and his sons.

At last, in December , shortly after Clement's death and after various skirmishes that took the family again out of Florence, Alessandro declared them rebels. Filippo's story merges at this juncture with that of members of the younger generation who are my main concern here. In August , after a two-year stay in his palazzo at Rome, Filippo finally retired to Venice. Goaded on by Piero, he also began to organize troops for an assault against the Medici, only to be captured in his first major attempt in the Tuscan hills of Montemurlo on 31 July.

The Florentine historian Jacopo Nardi recounted that Filippo's sons retreated the next day toward Venice, tired and defeated and with no alternative but to take stock of their situation and await a better opportunity to strike. Pietro Stromboli Florence, , pp. III [95], fol. V [95], fol.

See Table 1 below. Florence, , Book 15, Chap. Varchi's account largely agrees with those of Strozzi, Vite, pp. Both of the last two include the story that Filippo, once he made up his mind to believe Lorenzo, proclaimed him the Florentine Brutus — just one detail whose repetition suggests a strong narrative filiation among the various versions.

I have synthesized events highlighted in Florentine letters and histories in order to emphasize the intrigues and narrowly factional politics that brought elite Florentine patrons into Venice. Far from epitomizing the republicanism idealized in Venice and attached to Filippo in various romanticized representations that appeared after the events of , he and his kin differed little in kind from the Medici themselves. In a very real sense, an entrepreneurial merchant-banker on the rare order of Filippo Strozzi — not unlike Jacob Fugger, imperial banker to Charles V — was at once invention and inventor of the princely sponsors who required him to stage their grand schemes.

His identity depended on an exchange of mutually productive powers. Born into such a dynasty in the world of early modern power politics, a young man like Ruberto cannot have thought himself much less a prince's son than if his father had been a duke or an emperor, a difference he might have attributed to the winds of fate or to a slight disparity in style or ambitions.

For the Strozzi, empire and culture formed an indivisible alliance. As Pier Paolo Vergerio had put it, not only was "the ability to speak and write with elegance" — and, we might add, to sing — "no slight advantage. Filippo's passions for high finance and Florentine politics extended almost by necessity to arts and literature, in which he developed considerable abilities. His brother Lorenzo wrote that on all those days that Filippo was free to plan as he liked, his time was divided equally between "the study of letters, private business, and private pleasures and delights. See also Gelli's commentary in Nardi, Istorie n.

Filippo was the dedicatee of Pisano's edition of Apuleis, on which see Frank A. D'Accone hesitated to link too securely the identity of this Pisano with that of the musician, but his doubts are certainly cleared up by Varchi's reference to Pisano as an "eccellente musico in que' tempi, che grande e giudizioso letterato" as noted by Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," p. The madrigal was included in the first layer of B-Bc, MS Only a few settings of Filippo's poetry are known today, but given the exclusive patterns of patronage that obtained with Florentine patrons it seems likely that others ones for which he commissioned settings, for example simply are not extant.

The findings of Agee, "Filippo Strozzi," suggest that literary patrons wrote many more verses for commissioned settings than now survive; see also Thomas W. Apropos, it might be of interest that while in Lyons Capponi wrote Filippo, then in Venice, to send thanks for a capitolo Filippo had composed for him — for singing to music? III [95], fols. The pains Filippo took to reinforce his cultural hegemony naturally included his immediate family. He attended to the humanistic education of his sons by hiring noted tutors and later sending his sons to the Studio in Padua.

Girolamo Parabosco's description of Ruberto as having "rare judgment in all sciences" may therefore reveal more than the usual hyperbole, [28] for Ruberto's education not only included the Paduan stint but tutoring in Greek letters and law with Varchi. Because I thought it might take off my Adversaries from showing their folly upon my more serious Writings, and set them upon my Verses to shew their wisdom.

But why without Annotations? Because I had no hope to do it better than it is already done by Mr. Thomas Hobbes, ed. Eric Nelson, vol. Oxford: Clarendon Press, —. For all citations, the orthography and punctuation are based on that of the text cited. Blaze Marpet light on his materialism. He died at 91, and was still writing, though by dictation, until the end. His publications include works on optics and mathematics, commentaries on contemporary politics, corre- spondences with luminaries like Descartes, and systematic political- philosophical treatises.

It will also reveal that the Homer translations served as one of his only tenable literary outlets late in life. Though Hobbes was well liked by many who knew him, by the end of his life he had become one of the most detested intellectu- als in Europe—and perhaps in the entire history of philosophy. Here, Hobbes provides a systematic account of the correct foundations for political sovereignty based on a reductively materialistic conception of human nature. For 2 G. For these words of Good, Evill, and Contemptible, are ev- er used with relation to the person that useth them: There being nothing simply and absolutely so.

One important similarity between all these works is what I will call their foundationalist systematicity: all begin with an account of the nature of human individuals and deduce from that a comprehensive view of human social, moral, and political life. Moreover, each of these works is what we can call reductively materialistic: human nature, as the starting point of the system, is explained exhaustively in terms of the matter and the motion of physical bodies and objects.

We can contrast this reductive materialism with, say, the metaphysical dualism of a Descartes. In each of his major political works, Hobbes begins with a foundational account of human nature and builds upon it as a theory of political sovereignty. The works of Homer were not the first Greek translations Hobbes published. Thom- as Hobbes, ed. William Molesworth London: John Bohn, , ii. The translations were in alternating rhyming pentameters, and the relatively rapid succession of printings suggests that the book was popular and sold well.

As for its being esteemed a close translation, I doubt not many have been led into that error by the shortness of it, which proceeds from his following the original line by line, but from the contractions above mentioned. His poetry. It is important to note that by the time Hobbes published his Homer translations, he was virtually banned from publishing his polit- ical and philosophical works in England.

In , his Latin works were published in Amsterdam, but it is likely that Hobbes came to see even foreign publication as dangerous. Eric Nelson Oxford: Clarendon Press, , xix—xx. Since he was vir- tually banned from publishing his philosophical and religious writings during this time, his Homer volume provides a unique chance to eval- uate his thought. Several scholars have recently argued that Hobbes tried to craft his translations with the end of political and philosophical persuasion in mind. The Preface allowed Hobbes to address the audience in his own voice and with his own explicit views, instead of as a mouthpiece for Homer.

Hobbes was able to reach an extremely wide readership, with his popular translations serving as a vehicle. For the contrary view and a response, see A. This serial exposition is followed by anal- yses and comparisons of the different virtues in Homer, Virgil, and Lucan, with each surpassing the others in certain virtues. The reasons for this are manifold. First, fancy and the other cognitive faculties mentioned find well-defined places within his materialist psychology.

Here is what Hobbes says of fancy in his Preface: Men more generally affect and admire Fancie than they do either Judgment, or Reason, or Memory, or any other intellectual Vertue, and for the pleasantness of it, give to it alone the name of Wit, accounting Rea- son and Judgment but for a dull entertainment. Heroic poetry is said to elevate fancy in par- ticular, over and above the other virtues.

Hobbes further says that the 19 A puzzling note: Hobbes says in the Preface that contrivance—the narrative ability of the characters in the work—is a feature of poetry, not historiography and presumably he has in mind here ancient Greek and Roman historiography, such as the Thucydides he translated some time earlier.

Yet he says that justice and impartiality are features of both historiography and poetry. He clearly has comparisons in mind. Hobbes also does not say much about the other terms mentioned in connection to fancy—memory, reasoning, and judgment. Fortunately, these terms appear elsewhere in his work. As noted before, Hobbes was a foundationalist systematic thinker, and the foundation for his system was a materialist psycholo- gy. For instance, his great work Leviathan is written in four parts, each building on the last. At the root of his system is his materialist psychology, which establishes his complete understanding of human nature and grounds his claims about political sovereignty.

Key aims of this psychology are explaining the difference between immediate sense perception and other cognitive faculties memory, reasoning, etc. For Hobbes, all cognitive faculties begin in sensation, which consists in external objects causing 21 Ibid. Of these, fancy is important because it serves as a blanket term for many derivative cognitive faculties. He equates fancy [which he traces back to the Greek phantasia] with imagination [a synonym which he traces to the Latin imaginatio].

The problem, however, is that these terms do not align well with his usage in the Preface to his Homer translations. In the Preface, fancy seems to be one intellectual virtue—one opposed to, say, memory. But in the Leviathan, it is a broad category that has many permutations, among which are included memory, dreaming, and understanding.

Fortunately, Hobbes provides different definitions and taxon- omies for these cognitive faculties in later works. For example, in the 25 Hobbes, Leviathan, vol. This view puts Hobbes at odds with Descartes, who concedes that mental processes are or can be caused by physical events, but denies that the two are identical. See A. Martinich, ed. So fancy is no longer, say, the same faculty as memory. Rather, fancy consists in the ability to recognize similarities in conspicuously dissimilar things.

He contrasts this with judgment, which is the ability to see things that are conspicuously similar. Here, he says that the same person cannot possess both thus departing with his view at the end of the Leviathan. The upshot of this is that it seems—at least with respect to fancy—that Hobbes must have consistently developed his view over time. So he can speak of fancy in contrast to memory in his Preface only because he has distin- guished the two and abandoned the close connection he posited in the Leviathan. More often, such materialism is associated with crude hedonism.

As Rogers notes, in his own day, one reason Hobbes drew so much contempt was that his moral theory— based exclusively on his materialistic psychology—was seen as licens- ing or even promoting vice against the tradition of British morals and moralists. In this sense, we can see Hobbes as one im- portant figure in the tradition of British moral philosophy who uses a reductivist foundation to explain what are seen as the finer, higher 31 Martinich, Hobbes Dictionary, s.

In this debate within British moral philosophy, Hobbes may be able to side with John Stuart Mill, with his dissatisfied Socrates and satisfied pig, over and above Jeremy Bentham and his pushpin and poetry. Many scholars note that he engaged with Greek thought at the beginning of his publication career, and to some extent throughout it; but it is important to recall that he returned to it at the end.

When his explicit philosophical and political works were banned, his Homer translations were a natural place for him to turn. The translations al- lowed Hobbes to reach a wide audience with his Preface. And when we take Hobbes up on this challenge we discover that the connections to his earlier works are prevalent from the outset of the Preface. The materialism inherent at the outset pervades till the end.

Ball, Jerry L. Davis, Paul. Hobbes, Thomas, trans. London: Printed for Will Crook, Translated by Tho. Hobbes of Malmsbury. With a large Preface concerning the Vertues of an Heroick Poem. Writ- ten by the Translator. Malcom, Noel. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Oxford: Claren- don Press, —. A Hobbes Dictionary. Molesworth, William. London: John Bohn, , i—ii. London: John Bohn, — Nelson, Eric. General introduction to vol. Riddehough, G. Rogers, G. Sowerby, Robin. Young, Philip H. The first set of books printed in quarto, which was unusual at the time for a luxury volume, were smaller and cheaper to produce.

Pope and his publisher, Bernard Lintot, agreed to sell the quarto copies via subscrip- tion. The rest were printed in folio and sold on the trade market at a lower price. Foxon and J. Margo Weitzman M provinces. Addi- tionally, the Act promoted a partnership between the author, publish- er, and printer in the midst of an expanding book trade. Instead, owner- ship shifted to authors who were now paid for their copyright.

What resulted was a smaller page with an unusually large font. He also used two different typefaces to distinguish public vol- umes from subscription, and only the subscriber copies contained or- naments and copper letters. Pope had a partnership with Lintot and his printer, Bowyer, and agreed to print copies of the Iliad, on writing royal paper for subscribers and the rest on cheaper printing royal paper for regular distribution in order to save money.

The use of engraving and its variety of pictorial schemas are too complicated to delve into here. First, it was difficult to rely on subscribers to fulfill all orders as some defaulted, died, or changed their minds. He ultimately had to resort to utilizing his friends and mentors to sell subscriptions on his behalf, evidence for which is in his epistles. For example, some subscribers received too many or too few, or copies were delivered to those who were in default on their payments, or to people who were never on the list.

In the end, Pope was not clear enough with Lintot about the sales. After Pope did not deliver on a full and reliable list, records and correspondence show that Volume I of the Iliad also undersold in the trade market.


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What the non-subscribing public want- ed was a financially accessible book, and Lintot later found a bigger market in the middle class who could afford the cheaper copies. Growth of the middle class stemmed from the availability of wider varieties of professions that allowed for scholars of all kinds to emerge—as school teachers, tutors, authors, poets. Growing demand for trades required the education of more workers, and thus the middle class began to expand, illiteracy slowly declined, and the demand for print grew.

By , the na- tional literacy rate in England was forty—five percent, and it became common to find a working class citizen who was knowledgeable in classical literature, including Homer. Even the poor were reading poetry, and for this reason some publications were dispersed in the street to cater to the 25 Ibid.

Eight percent of his subscribers were women, and marketing to that demographic was something that Pope and Lintot navigated correctly. The eight percent of Iliad sales comprised of women increased to fif- 30 Brant and Whyman, Walking the Streets, 5. These potential customers had more leisure time and also had the desire to read—and read classics. Virgil also took phrases from Lucretius, which is an indication that imitat- ing turns of phrase was a common practice even among the ancients. Rosslyn also argues that the learned would have noted any misrepresentation, impolite phrases, or incongruous references that strayed from the classical standards influenced by works such as the Aeneid.

They failed to recognize that a cross-section of the middle class could have easily filled the gap, as could libraries in London and surrounding provinces that provided free books to those who could not afford the cheaper trade copies. Instead, Pope spent countless hours of his own labor canvassing and finding readers among his friends.

He relied on their connections to expand the list as well as his voluminous correspondence to manage the process, and wound up underselling. Pope was able to use the response to his Iliad subscriptions to gauge his career, and to place himself somewhere within the social stratum of London and its provinces. In honing his ability to translate a classical epic using his own style, and in assuming control over the aesthetics of his volumes, Pope entered the book trade with a completely new product.

His design brought to the public a new way of visually constructing a page, a new style of illustrations, and a new size of both font and page. The failure of the business model allowed Pope and Lintot to understand their market and gain a greater understanding of the book trade and literary climate of London, resulting in a more profitable sale of the later Odyssey translation. However, his approach to the translation brought to market an intensely personal interpretation. Peter Dixon London: G.

Brant, Clare, and Susan E. Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, Feather, John. Foxon, David F. Oxford: Clarendon, Griffith, Reginald Harvey. Alexander Pope: A Bibliography. London: Hol- land Press, Pope, Alexander, trans. The Iliad of Homer. London: Printed by W. Bowyer, for Bernard Lintott between the Temple-Gates, — Olsen, Kirsten. Daily Life in 18th-Century London. Westport, CT: Green- wood Press, Rogers, Pat.

Essays on Pope. Rosslyn, Felicity, ed. Pope's Iliad: A Selection with Commentary. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, Rousseau, George Sebastian. London: G. Thomas, Claudia N. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, The four translators—Lorenzo Valla, Lodovico Dolce, George Chapman, and Thomas Bridges—discussed in this section unabashed- ly represented their work as creative rather than mechanical.

At others, they conscious- ly imbued the epics with a new orientation appropriate to the condi- tions of their own time and place. Both the Florentine Valla and Venetian Dolce laid emphasis on the role of the Trojans, who were regarded as the legendary ancestors of the Romans by the Italian public. Not only does Valla shift emphases in the epic, he goes so far as to craft new verses without Homeric equivalents. Moreover, Valla and the editor do not conceal their agency, but foreground their creative trans- lation practices and editorial interventions. Translation practices were shaped by trends in vernacular lit- erature and the artistic taste of the audience.

Although classical litera- ture often guided vernacular style and subject matter, the influence was not unidirectional. Through a combination of visual and verbal techniques, Dolce ad- vanced a new vision of the epic genre. Indeed, the license granted to the translator was such that it was not essential to be fluent in Greek.

Chapman claimed that he endeavored to capture the spirit rather than precise language of Homer, given the linguistic distance between English and Greek. De- spite the weakness of his Greek, Chapman directs vitriol at other translators, with whom he had become well-acquainted by virtue of his dependence on them.

She argues that Bridges anticipates postmodern metafiction by claim- ing in his preface that he considers his work faithful to Homer, who, he insists, intended his epics to be burlesque. Such a proclamation be- fore such an irreverent translation satirizes the pose of those transla- tors who would profess their loyalty to the original. The four papers in this section are unified not only by their focus on translations, but also by their attention to issues of language and literary style.

They offer examples of the forms and degrees of translational innovation and interference across Italy and England, from the fifteenth to the eighteenth century. The inclusion of ego, the first-person narrator in the form of Valla, immediately constitutes a departure in the Latin transla- tion from the original Greek text. Early modern conceptions of au- thorship understood translation as a fluid and shared endeavor in which the translator should drastically revise the original text, and Val- la thus follows the practices of his day to present a thorough rework- ing of the Homeric epic. Latin transla- tions are my own unless otherwise noted.

Throughout his life, Valla maintained a combative approach to humanist study, and his willingness to critique the ancients enraged his peers. Most famously, he engaged in a longstanding and bitter feud with another well-known humanist, Poggio Bracciolini. The king commissioned Valla to translate the Greek text in hopes that a more accessible edition of Homer would better educate the Italian people regarding the Trojan war.

Brian P. Co- penhaver and Lodi Nauta, vol. Immediately popular, the text was published in eight editions between and The press appears to have specialized in books for the University of Cologne: other books it printed include the works of Erasmus and Augustine, as well as histories, classical texts, and rheto- ric manuals.

The fact that the edition does not have an introduction, a ded- icatory epistle, or even a prefatory letter to the reader suggests that the printer was trying to cut down on costs by using less paper, and there- fore the index and printed marginalia alone frame the text. The index, however, is by no means brief or truncated: it contains entries. Gryphium, Grapheum, More frequently, printers would not provide an index or would provide a very brief one. Moreover, the anonymous editor encourages a sense of familiarity in that he refers to Valla by his first name, Laurentius Lorenzo.

Alt- hough the identity of the editor is unknown, it is likely that he was German, perhaps even associated with the University given his skill in Latin, and that he was editing the text and index primarily for a well- educated audience of students. Moreover, the edition appears to have been respected by other printing houses: although the index grows more extensive in the later editions, the text was likely the basis of subsequent print- ings, for entries and phrases repeat. As Valla manipulates his source ma- terial to provide a reinterpretation of the epic, so the unknown editor produces his own version of the Iliad.

Raffaello Maffei Lyon: Apud Seb. For examples of brief indices, see Homeri Poetae Clarissimi, trans. For an example of another book with an extensive index, see Andrea Divus, trans. It is likely that octavos were prepared similarly. This title appears on the first page of the translation. This popular practice in the early modern era encouraged readers to approach the text at intervals and in a nonlinear fashion. De- spite his minor role in the Iliad, Aeneas is cited twenty-one times in the index.

Although this may not sound substantial, Agamemnon, a figure who plays a far larger role in the epic, is mentioned in only twenty-nine citations. Thompson, trans. Knott Toronto: University of Toron- to Press, , , ; cf. Neque ego paraphrasin esse in- terpretationem tantum volo, sed circa eosdem sensus certamen atque aemulationem. But I would not have paraphrase restrict itself to the bare interpretation of the original: its duty is to rival and vie with the original in the expression of the same thoughts.

The first sentence at once presents Valla as author and demonstrates that his rendition of the epic will break from the oral tradition and focus on the written scripturus word. Valla repurposes the orality of Homer to appeal to the Lat- inate audience of the Renaissance, who would likely view themselves as descendants of ancient Rome and thus of Troy. To this end, not only does he encourage a reading sympathetic to the Trojans, but he also diminishes the role of the Greek heroes.

Within the first few pag- es of his translation, Valla interpolates an entirely new passage, and the margins direct our attention to it A2 R. Instead of beginning the epic as Homer does with Chryseis already in the possession of Agamem- non, Valla describes her capture on an island near Troy and her allot- ment as a war prize. Hanc Graeci, cum Thebas euerterent, finitimasque; loca diri- 21 Robert Fagles, trans. He outlines the scene in which Chryses approaches the Greek camp and describes the priest as loaded with gifts that he hopes to exchange for his daughter.

He was the father of one adult daughter, who by the name of her father and fatherland was called Chryseida. There are thirty-one instances of printed marginalia in Book 1, a large number of which—thirteen annotations—refer to women. The female characters, however, are rarely identified alone but instead usu- ally appear modified by a passive verb and thus defined by their inter- action with men.

Even Thetis, a goddess, is only cited in the marginalia as the mother of Achilles. Nevertheless, despite her passive status as one captured ca- pitur , Chryseis is the first name to appear in the printed marginalia, and in many ways Chryseis capitur functions as a chapter heading for the otherwise untitled Book 1. Achilles is referenced thirty-three times un- der his own heading and fifty-eight times elsewhere in the index. In these citations, his name appears only twenty-two times in the nomina- tive case, i.

Furthermore, oth- er, lesser characters are indexed far more thoroughly. I have already mentioned the frequency with which Aeneas is cited despite the fact he appears very briefly in the Homeric epic. Hector, the Trojan hero, is definitely a major figure in the Iliad, but the index exaggerates his role and even implies that he is of greater importance than Achilles. The Trojan hero appears in thirty-five entries under his own heading and in thirty-seven instances elsewhere in the index.

Thirty-two of these are in the nominative case. The fact that both Valla and the au- thor of the index suppress the role of Achilles and instead highlight scenes that involve the action of Hector suggests that both the transla- tor and the editor believed their audience would be more interested in the Trojan hero and his activities than in the figure of Achilles, the hero of the entire epic. Murray, ed. For ex- ample, to look again at Book 1, we see the messengers arrive to take Bryseis from Achilles, and Achilles, as in Homer, meet them on the beach. Stavropoulos, ed. The medieval word angeli stands out as odd in a text that re- peatedly refers to the ancient Greek gods and is being translated by an author who has argued against attempts to make classical literature conform to Christian thought.

Valla often attacks his peers for conflat- ing the two forms of literary expression, deploring in particular their use of classical Latin in Christian contexts. It is important to emphasize this, despite the fact that it fre- quently was more of a formally reiterated position than something Val- la consistently carried out in practice.

However, as this paper has demonstrated, we should carefully consider the paratexts when reading early modern editions. This sort of ma- nipulation by way of annotation was widely practiced in early modern literature and scholarship, and we therefore need to read the early modern textual apparatus with a sensitivity to ambiguity and textual tensions. Diui Aurelii Augustini de Spiritu et Litera liber unus. Cologne: Apud Heronem Alopecium, Bartholomeus, Silvius. Aeneae Silvii.

Cologne: Apud Heronem Alopeci- um, Castellesi, Adriano. Homeri Opera Graeco-latina, quae quidem nunc extant. Basel: Per haeredes Nico- lai Brylingeri, Chapman, George. Edited by Algernon Charles Swinburne. Copenhaver, Brian P. Homeri Poetae Clarissimi. Lyon: Per Vincentium de Portonariis, Divus, Andrea, trans. Homeri Ilias ad verbum. Paris: In officina Christiani Wecheli, Erasmus, Desiderius.

City Culture and the Madrigal at Venice

De Copia. Thompson, translated by B. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, Exomologesis sive modvs confitendi. Cologne: Apud Heronem Al- opecium, Ratio seu methodus compendio perveniendi ad veram theologiam. Co- logne: Apud Heronem Alopecium, Fagles, Robert, trans. The Iliad. Edited by Bernard Knox. New York: Penguin Books, Floridus, Franciscus Sabinus, trans. Paris: Apud Vascosanum, Gray, Hanna H. Grendler, Paul. The Universities of the Italian Renaissance. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, Hellinga, Lotte.

Kircher, Timothy. Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, Maffei, Raffaello, trans. Lyon: Apud Seb. Melanchthon, Philipp. Philippi Melanchthonis De Rhetorica. Morwood, James, ed. Pocket Oxford Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Murray, A. Loeb Classical Library. Institutio Oratoria.

Edited and translated by H. Smyth, Adam. York: York Medieval Press, International Journal of the Classical Tradition 4, no. Stavropoulos, D. Ox- ford: Oxford University Press, Trinkaus, Charles Edward, Jr. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Valla, Lorenzo. Translated by Brendon Cook. I Tatti Renaissance Library. Dialectical Disputations. Edited and translated by Brian P.

Co- penhaver and Lodi Nauta. Homeri poetae clariss. Cologne: Eucharius Ceruicor- nus excudebat, Homeri poetae clarissimi Ilias. Lipetsk: Per Melchiorem Lotterum, Homeri poetarum omnium principis, Ilias, per Laurentium Val- lam latio donata. Homeri poetarum supremi Ilias. Brescia: Baptista Farfengus for Franciscus Laurinus, Homeri poetarum supremi Ilias per Laurentium Vallens.

Bre- scia: Henricus de Colonia and Satius Gallicus, Padua: Antenore, Valla, Lorenzo, and Raphael Volaterranus, trans. Antwerp: Apud Io. He worked as an author, an editor, a translator, and a critic, and dedicated himself to the voluminous production of an extremely versatile num- ber of literary works. It was followed two years later by a second edition to which an oration composed by 1 For detailed biographical information, see Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna, Memorie intorno la vita e gli scritti di Messer Lodovico Dolce letterato veneziano del secolo XVI Venice, Segreteria dell'I.

Istituto, , 93—; Ronnie H. Marco Foscarini Padua: Stamperia del Seminario, , Rizzardi, , Stefano Giazzon Turin: Res, ; Medea, ed. Ottavio Saviano Turin: Res, ; Didone, ed. Stefano Tomassini Parma: Edizioni Zara, All translations from Italian are my own. Each canto is introduced by an argomento, a rhymed octave that summarizes the con- tent of the chapter, followed by a rectangular woodcut that reflects the exegetic itinerary suggested by the allegoria, which provides an interpre- tation of various actions and characters, taking into consideration their virtues and vices.

Dolce chose to use ottava rima to translate the dactyl- ic hexameter of his sources, a meter that was first introduced by Boc- caccio for his Teseida, Ninfale Fiesolano and Filostrato, but whose origin may be rooted in the cantari tradition. The paratextual and intertextual features that characterize this particular work are the result of a specific editorial strategy.

In order to elevate the Furioso to a classic, he adopted a specific format that was previously utilized for the canonical ancient works, and also for the Three Crowns Dante, Petrarch and Boccaccio. Syska-Lamparska Fiesole: Edizioni Cadmo, , — He composed argomenti, introducto- ry letters, commentary, tables of names and places, indexes, and prov- erbs that accompanied the text and shaped its exegesis. It is reproduced entirely in Sberlati, Il Genere e la Disputa, 32— Glyn P.

This was chosen to construct and consequently orient a new perception of the text adapted to a modern context. Le iniziali parlanti secc. This commercial standardi- zation has economic repercussions that reveal the publishing logistics that led to it. However, it also highlights important cultural signifi- cance, since the organization of a unitary format evidently implies ide- ological consequences. In fact, the specific format through which a literary work is transmitted holds the power to forge the interpretation of the reader.

Dolce also clearly evokes the distinction be- tween orator and interpres proposed by Cicero in his De optimo genere ora- torum, which has been applied to the theoretical systematization of translation. For the section of the text dedicated to the translation of the Iliad, Dolce must have worked on a Latin translation since, given the available biographical information, he was likely not fluent in Greek.

The title of the poem itself, which shifts its reference from Ilion to the main character, as can be observed in the title of the Aeneid, significantly moves the attention to the center of the modernized narration: the two heroes. The mise en page is carefully reproduced, from the two columns of octaves on each page, to the sequence of argument, allegory, woodcut, and historiated initial.


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  5. The work even contains another exceptional analogy, the bor- rowing of the sentenze, a list of aphorisms listed in alphabetical order that were originally planned by Dolce for the Orlando Furioso. Riscrivere lo Stile. Dolce, L'Achille et l'Enea. Domenico Scarpa, Turin: Einaudi, At the same time, he was also able to direct their choices with extremely innovative and intelligent editorial deci- sions. Through the organization of standardized formatting rules and literary and linguistic approaches, Dolce established a code that con- nected writer, editor, and reader.

    After the Furioso was elevated to the level of the ancient au- thors, and the text and format fixed in the mind of readers through decades of editorially-identical editions, the fortunate Giolito-Dolce team reversed this process.