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The Georgicks of Virgil, with an English Translation and Notes Virgil, John Martyn Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, Pierius says it is confecto in the Roman manuscript. And Tacitus also says the Germans used to make caves to defend them from the severity of winter, .

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Gender roles Generally speaking, there is a more defined division of gender roles in Italy, which could cause problems for the first-time Italian dater. High maintenance Let's just say that it's no coincidence that the word 'diva' is an Italian word. Intimacy Generally speaking, Italians are much more touchy-feely, which can cause a headache when it comes to reading the signs. You might just be in the dreaded 'friend zone'. Jokes The language of love may be universal, but humour certainly isn't.

Look good If you're going on a date with anybody from any nationality you should always put a bit of effort into how you look. No 'No' means 'no' in both English and Italian - men, take note. Odd numbers Gift giving is always tricky. Play hard to get As a general rule, Italian women are good at this, so don't expect this to be easy guys. Quick Woah there. Scooter Photo: Shutterstock Italian men, listen up. Tinder Probably not the best place to start. Ultra — passionate?

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One woman told The Local that Italians were "way more passionate than Nordic people". Vanity Italian men have a reputation for vanity so be careful not to insult their good looks! Whatsapp A bit of a double-edged sword.


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X As in, your partner's dreaded Ex. Don't get it wrong in Italy, or you risk sending out the wrong message. Popular articles Five easy Italian words with a curious history Seven songs that will help you learn Italian Five reasons English speakers struggle to learn foreign languages What you need to know about shopping at Italian food markets James Bond is coming to Puglia this summer. From our sponsors Five unusual things you can do in Malta Malta may be a small island but size can be deceiving.

Five ways expats can benefit from international health insurance. How can you get ahead in Italy? How and why learning a new language messes with your old one. Recent highlights Seven songs that will help you learn Italian. What you need to know about shopping at Italian food markets.

Where to catch outdoor cinema in Italy this summer. How expensive is Italy compared to other EU countries? How to keep cool like an Ancient Roman in Italy's summer heat. Ripped off: Italy's worst tourist scams and how to avoid them. Related articles Ten Italian lifestyle habits to adopt immediately.

Six inspiring Italian women who changed the world. How to talk about love, sex, and dating in Italian. Where do all the English speakers live in Italy? Jobs in Europe SE. Business Development Manager - Germany. C developer. Trial Operations Manager. First Level Support Junior. IT Support Technician Linux. Business Analyst Liquidity and Funding Transformation. Solution Architect. Android Entwickler. Two types of place show marked change in the proportions of boarders over time, although it is important not to read too much into changes, given the definition issues mentioned in the Calculation section.

These changes may be connected to the relative buoyancy of the economy in these places: by the end of the 19th century the growth of the textile industry had slowed, and jobs could be filled by local workers who were more likely to already have a place to live. Calculation : The head's immediate family has been defined as either his wife or her husband and his or her unmarried children; or, if he or she is unmarried, his or her parents and siblings too, but only if at least one parent is present.

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Any other people whose relationship to head suggests a family relationship eg mother or mother-in-law of a married head, grand-child, niece or nephew have been treated as relatives or kin. Any household with at least one person defined this way has been treated as a household with kin. The number of households with kin has been divided by the total number of households and multiplied by See also : Households with boarders; Single-person households; Lone-parent households.

Overview : Living with family more distant than the immediate family group was rare in the British past. In most of the census years fewer than 2 per cent of households contained kin including situations where parents and married children lived together, and grandchildren lived with grandparents.

In contrast around 11 per cent of households contained boarders and until , over 10 per cent contained live-in servants. Fluctuations in the early census years are likely to have been due to legibility of sources and coding issues, but there appears to have been a slight and consistent increase in the percentage of households with kin towards the end of the 19th and into the 20th century. This increase was similar in every type of place, although levels varied, which suggests that it may be a function of a general demographic trend such as a mortality decline. Although elderly people did not routinely live with their married children as discussed in the section on single-person households many ended up living alone , these types of relationship were still the most common among households with kin, and a decline in late adult mortality may have increased the length of time this type of household would have survived for before the parent died, and thus increased the chance of capturing them in the census snap-shot.

Finally housing shortages may have made staying with kin a more sought-after option rather than boarding or lodging. Industrial areas had slightly higher percentages of households with kin than other types of place, although this was not visible in MINING areas at the beginning of the period. It is possible that this was due to chain migration: migrants may have generated further migration among their relatives and these new migrants may have stayed, at least initially, with their relatives when they arrived.

However there may also have been cultural differences in the living arrangements of the elderly. Definition: Households which had at least one live-in servant excluding those specifically designated as farm servants , expressed as a percentage of all households. Calculation: This indicator has been calculated by classing each household where there was at least one person whose relationship to the head of household was given as 'servant' as a servant-keeping household.

The number of servant-keeping households was then divided by the total number of households and multiplied by Overview: During the pre-industrial and industrialising periods of British history, it was very common for young people to spend a period of time as a live-in servant in another family's household. This usually occurred between the late teens and mid-twenties, and was particularly common among women, allowing them to save up money which would allow them to contribute towards the setting up of an independent household when they married.

This institution of domestic service was in decline, however from at least the mid-nineteenth century. In England and Wales as a whole the percentage of households which had at least one live-in servant declined from about 16 per cent in to about 9 per cent in Only the better-off sections of society, of course, could afford to keep a permanent live-in servant purely to look after the household, although many farming households also employed domestic servants whose duties probably combined household and agricultural work. Therefore the maps show servant-keeping to be high in the hill-farming regions of Wales and the North of England.

It should be remembered that this variables only measures live-in domestic service: some servants may have lived elsewhere and came in to work each day, or when needed. Definition: The number of dependents children aged less than 14; elderly aged 65 and over; or both per working-age people aged Calculation: Everyone was asked to record their age in the census, and we have counted the numbers of people in different age groups: children those less than 14 years , working-age those years , and elderly age 65 and over. The dependency ratio has been calculated by dividing the number of children and elderly combined by the number of working-age people and multiplying by The child dependency ratio divides just the number of children by the number of working-age people, multiplying by ; and the old age dependency ratio divides the number of elderly by the number of working-age people, multiplying by We have identified dependent children as those under the age of 14, because many children older than this were earning money see Children's work and schooling.

Of course some children younger were also earning money - particularly at the beginning of the period - and many older children were not. Similarly many people carried on working past the age of 65, particularly before old age pensions were introduced in even then, these were only available to those over the age of 70, and did not cover everyone.

Men would have stopped working at various ages, depending on their health and resources, and married women of all ages were unlikely to have earned money outside the house although they would have been working hard running the household - important labour which, although unpaid, contributed enormously to the household economy. These factors mean that these dependency measures do not measure strict economic dependency, although they can be interpreted as measuring the potential dependency burden.

Overview : Between and there were around 62 dependents children and old age for every working-age people aged , but this began to decline after and had fallen to 52 by Examination of the child and old age dependency ratios separately shows that this decline is almost entirely due to a decline in the number of children per worker, which can be attributed to fertility decline.

Towards the end of the period the old age dependency ratio began to creep up as mortality decline spread to those over 65, but this effect was still tiny in comparison to that of declining fertility. Throughout the period there were far more child dependents than elderly, reflecting a pyramidal age structure created by relatively high fertility and mortality. Because child dependency dominated overall dependency ratios, and child dependency was mainly affected by fertility, spatial and temporal patterns in overall and child dependency were very similar to spatial and temporal patterns in fertility.

It must be remembered that these ratios were not simply the product of fertility affecting numbers of children and mortality primarily affecting the elderly but also of the numbers of working-age people. Locally and regionally, numbers of people in this age group could vary substantially due to in- or out-migration.

Substantial numbers of temporary in-migrants, such as servants, many of whom would not have settled in the area, will have contributed to lower dependency ratios: this phenomenon can be seen in the West End of London. In other places dependency ratios may have been a function of the history of migration over the previous years: this can be seen in many industrial areas especially MINING and TEXTILE places where low numbers of the elderly relative to working-age people may have been because not all the migrants who settled in these areas had yet had time to grow old. Calculation: The average age of the population has been calculated using 'age last birthday' ie whole numbers, with 0 for infants less than one year as provided by each individual in the census enumerators' books.

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The age of every person who provided a valid age is added up, and the total divided by the number of people who gave a valid age. Average age has been calculated for the entire population, and for women and men separately. Overview: Average age is a summary measure of the age structure of the population. It is affected by recent fertility affecting the proportion of children in the population , mortality depleting the population at various ages , and age specific patterns of migration particularly among young adults.

Between and the average age in England and Wales was just under 25 years, and the sharp increase that followed was mainly due to the decline in fertility which started after , reducing the number of children in relation to the rest of the population. Mortality decline also started around this period, but in the nineteenth century this was concentrated among children and younger adults which would have increased the proportion of young people in the population, exerting downward pressure on the average age.

However persistently lower mortality among women than men is responsible for the higher average age of women across the period. However geographical differences were also affected by migration patterns. In almost all types of place, women were on average older than men, and differences in the average age between genders in different types of place were primarily due to differential migration by gender.

The male population therefore had more adults in relation to children than did the female population, increasing the average age for men. Definition : The number of people reported as having been born in Ireland, expressed as a percentage of the whole population. Calculation : The percentage Irish born has been calculated using the information on birth place reported in the individual level census returns. Overview : The most concentrated influx of Irish immigrants to England and Wales was the result of the Irish potato famine of By nearly 3 per cent of those residing in England and Wales reported having been born in Ireland.

The natural ageing of the famine migrants - their numbers dwindling as they reached old age and died - and the fact that any of their children born after they had migrated would have been reported as born in England and Wales accounts for the gradual decline in the Irish-born population. Although Irish migration certainly did not stop after the famine cohorts, this was insufficient to maintain a continued high proportion of Irish born in the population.

Irish migrants tended to take on unskilled manual jobs; many working as labourers in the docks or as navvies constructing railways. TRANSPORT areas, and particularly docks, therefore always had considerably higher percentages of Irish-born people than other areas, particularly in the years immediately after the potato famine.

In London, the East End dock districts were home to many Irish people: in over a quarter of the population of the Registration Sub-District of Aldgate had been born in Ireland. However the Liverpool docks were even more heavily Irish, probably because many Irish people sailed from Ireland into Liverpool. In nearly half 47 per cent of people living in the Registration Sub-District of Howard Street in Liverpool had been born in Ireland.

Others Irish migrants found work in the army, and this can explain high percentages of Irish born in the Aldershot Hampshire area, which was the main base of the British Army. Definition: The number of working-age men years for every working-age women age years. Calculation: The numbers of men and women aged from 14 to 46 years have been calculated using the information on age and sex given in the census for each person. The number of men has been divided by the number of women and multiplied by Overview : In most populations there are between and male babies born for every female babies.

Males, however, have a higher risk of death than females at almost every age, particularly during infancy and childhood. Therefore by adulthood most populations have a more even number of men and women, or an excess of women. In England and Wales there were about 92 men aged per women in each of the census years from to Variations in the sex ratio from place to place, however, were not because sex ratios at birth or differential mortality varied, but because of different levels of migration among men and women.

The sex ratio in the working-age group is therefore of considerable interest as an indicator of migration. Where the sex ratio within a population was higher than , there were more men than women, and this could be due to either in-migration of men or out-migration of women. MINING areas in the nineteenth century tended to have high sex ratios, as did areas with army and naval bases, such as Aldershot in Hampshire and Tilbury in Essex, suggesting high levels of male in-migration.

However there may also have been significant female out-migration from these areas, particularly MINING areas where job opportunities for women were scarce. Where the sex ratio was lower than , there were more women than men. The low sex ratios in West Wales were, however, were probably related to higher levels of male out-migration.

It follows from what has been said that differential migration is strongly linked to particular industrial and occupational structures. It is important to realise that the sex ratio can only indicate where there were differences in migration between men and women. In places where similar numbers of men and women migrated in or out, the sex ratio for that place would not appear unusual, even if the number of migrants was very large.

Definition : This definition of socio-economic status SES , based on HISCLASS, provides the number of men aged years in each of five socio-economic status groups, expressed as a percentage of all men aged years. It allocates each occupational title to one of 12 classes, but here we have summarised those into just five larger groups. The number of men aged in each group has been counted, divided by the total number of men aged who gave an occupation, and multiplied by Overview : Industrial and occupational change over this period is evident in the increasing percentages of men occupied in non-manual work social classes 1 and 2 , although SES:1 still made up only a very small percentage of the total.

There was also a rise in lower skilled manual workers SES: 4 over time. These increases were at the expense of a proportionate decrease in unskilled labourers, many of whom worked in agriculture. Agricultural labourers decreased in absolute terms too, declining by about a third between and Agricultural mechanisation and increasing efficiency in farming meant that at least as much food could be produced with less and less labour, and men who would previously have been agricultural labourers found more lucrative work in the manufacturing and tertiary sectors.

This labour market shift is reflected in rural to urban migration flows as people moved to areas with increasing job opportunities. The five SES groups were not evenly distributed across the different types of place. The growth in non-manual classes was particularly strong in London and its surroundings, although there was some retreat of the most privileged away from the centre to outer and suburban districts. Skilled non-manual workers SES:2 , such as clerks and sales workers, increased everywhere, but cities such as London, Manchester and Birmingham exhibited particularly marked growth.

SES:3 includes farmers, as well as a variety of other skilled workers, and the westerly areas of England and Wales, where agriculture was dominated by small family farms, showed higher than average concentrations of this group. However this was also true of places with certain industries such as shoe-making, and the geographic distribution of SES:3 changed little over the time period.

This group contains both agricultural labourers and general labourers and the decline in numbers amongst the former group was probably the main cause of the geographic variations in the proportion of SES:5 men. Definition : The social class variables given here provide the number of men aged years in each social class as defined by the Registrar General in expressed as a percentage of all men aged years. It is based on occupation, and allocates each occupational title to one of five RG's classes, while also singling out three groups of occupations for special treatment.

These three special groups are not included in the five RG's classes. Although this classification has many similarities with Socio-economic status also provided here, it also has important differences. The main difference is the separation of the three 'special' occupational groups into separate classes. The RG's classification is useful for comparison with the work of other people who have previously carried out research on late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century England and Wales, as they have mostly used this scheme.

Overview : Industrial and occupational change over the period is evident in the increasing proportion of men designated as belonging to the highest social class social class I. However there was also a rise in social class IV over time, and a growth in the proportion of men employed as miners.

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The largest decrease was in the proportion of men employed as agricultural labourers, and these workers decreased in absolute terms too: the number of agricultural labourers declined by about a third between and Agricultural mechanisation and increasing efficiency in farming meant that at least as much food was able to be produced with less and less labour, and men who would previously have been employed as agricultural labourers found more lucrative work in the manufacturing and tertiary sectors.

The different social classes were not evenly distributed across the different types of place. However the highest proportions of social class V, the lowest and least skilled class, were found in TRANSPORT areas which were characterised by insecure manual work loading, un-loading and guarding goods.

Definition: The number of married women aged 15 or over recorded as having an occupation other than housewife or household duties , expressed as a percentage of all married women aged 15 or over. Calculation: The percentage of married women working has been calculated using the marital status, age, sex, and occupation fields in the individual level census returns.

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The number of women aged 15 or over reported to be married and in employment was divided by the number of all married women aged 15 or over and the result multiplied by Overview: Nationwide the propensity of married women to record an occupation on census night halved between 20 per cent and 9 per cent , with the biggest drop recorded between the and censuses.

To some extent changes in this variable may be affected by the way that the occupation question was asked in the different censuses, and the particular instructions which were given regarding married women. For example between and respondents were instructed that the female relatives of farmers or lodging house keepers were to be recorded as occupied, as 'farmer's wife' or 'lodging house keeper's wife'. This instruction was dropped in and this might contribute to the sudden fall in married women's work in this year.

However inspection of the maps shows that married women's work was highly spatially concentrated, and not limited to areas with significant numbers of farmers' and lodging house keepers' wives. By the end of the century these enclaves had either disappeared or considerably shrunk. This picture of shrinking work opportunities for married women is confirmed by the graph of percentages of married women working in the different types of place. The contraction in employment opportunities for married women has been attributed to the rise of the 'male breadwinner ethic' and the 'cult of domesticity' which identified the home as the proper place for a married woman.

Within this culture, paid work in most areas became restricted to only the poorest and most desperate of married women. These cultural factors might also have made male heads increasingly reluctant to record occupations for their wives, but the simultaneous decrease in job opportunities for widowed women suggests that the downturn is a real phenomenon, rather than a cultural artefact.

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It is also important to note that the census was supposed to record regular, paid occupations, and it is therefore likely to have excluded a variety of seasonal and ad hoc opportunities for women to earn money, as well as unpaid labour. Definition: The number of single women aged 15 or over recorded as having an occupation other than housewife or household duties , expressed as a percentage of all single women aged 15 or over. Calculation: The percentage of single women working has been calculated using the marital status, age, sex, and occupation fields in the individual level census returns.

The number of women aged 15 or over reported to be unmarried and in employment was divided by the number of all unmarried women aged 15 or over and the result multiplied by Overview: Around 70 per cent of single women were recorded as having an occupation in each census between and However this disguises considerable regional variation. Single women were employed in a wide range of occupations in nineteenth century England and Wales. They could be found in factory work, the pottery industry, agriculture, food and drink manufacture, retail, needlework, and other petty trades.

By far the largest employment opportunity for single women, however, was the service industry, which accounted for around 50 per cent of single women's work in , but decline set in and by only 40 per cent of single women were employed in this sector. Although there were opportunities to work in domestic service across the country, these were more plentiful where wealthier people were concentrated, such as the west end of London and in the Home Counties.

The textile industry was the second largest employer of young women, and this work was concentrated in the cotton manufacturing areas of Lancashire and West Yorkshire. The regional nature of certain employment opportunities for young women shows up in the graph of the percentages of single women occupied in each type of place below.

In TEXTILE areas the strong demand for young women to work in the cotton and woollen mills led to an employment rate of between 80 and 90 per cent of single women. In contrast there were fewer jobs available in MINING areas, where not much more than half of all single women were able to find paid work by the end of the nineteenth century. Definition: The number of widowed women aged 15 or over recorded as having an occupation other than housewife or household duties , expressed as a percentage of all widowed women aged 15 or over.

Calculation: The percentage of widowed women working has been calculated using the marital status, age, sex, and occupation fields in the individual level census returns. The number of women aged 15 or over reported to be widowed and in employment was divided by the number of all widowed women aged 15 or over and the result multiplied by Overview: In an era before state pensions, widowhood came with a significant risk of poverty, and this forced many widows to seek paid employment.

Around half of all widows were recorded as having an occupation between and , but this fell to around 40 per cent in a decline also seen in married women's work. In the beginning of the period a significant number of widows were able to find work in the TEXTILE and straw plaiting areas, producing some regional patterning of the likelihood that widows would be working. However these opportunities appear to have diminished over the course of the half century, and by there was little geographic pattern to widows' work with the exception of continued low levels of opportunity in MINING areas.

Widows were left predominantly doing laundry work, charring cleaning , shop work and sewing. Definition: Women aged working in domestic service, or in the textile industry, as a percentage of all working women aged Calculation: The percentage of women working in domestic service, or in the textile industry, has been calculated using the age and occupation fields in the individual level census returns. The number of women aged 14 reported to be employed in domestic service, or in the textile industry, was divided by the number of all women aged in employment and the result multiplied by See also : Married women working; Single women working; Widowed women working; Households with live-in servants.

Overview: The two largest sectors of employment for women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were domestic service and the textile industry.


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In most years around 10 per cent of working women were employed in the textile industry, but until the turn of the century nearly a third of all women between the ages of 14 and 64 who recorded an occupation, worked as a domestic servant. The decline in servant keeping which started towards the end of the nineteenth century can also be seen in the percentage of households with a live-in servant, although that measure does not take into account the many servants who did not live in their employer's home. Obviously not every place offered opportunities to work in domestic service or textiles.

In some of these districts over 80 per cent of women who worked were employed in the textile industry. It's a message still highlighted by the many campaigners trying to end child marriage the world over, today. Brown advised young women not to rush into marriage. Even though Brown is clearly in favour of marital unions, he does concede that it's not always for everyone:.

Even better-sounding: "Sexual indulgences, are, under marriage association, kept down to a reasonable and harmless minimum. Though women were starting to fight for their rights in the late 19th century, Brown was not a supporter. To him, gender equality had its downsides:. They leapt, and stood on the other side a picture judged by many more hideous than before.

But in a long chapter dedicated to the dangers of excessive tight-lacing, Brown's inner feminist does emerge. The human male likes proportion and artistic beauty, with ease and grace of movement, and all bound together not by a corset but by ineffable manner of charm. Contrary to Victorian beliefs that pale, delicate women were the most attractive, Brown says that actually, muscles are key. It's the earliest known example of fitspiration:. Even if she wants to consign herself to a life of singledom: "And if a girl never intends to marry she should be none the less mindful of her health.

Modern women whould have muscles and strong limbs, according to Brown.