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The Georgicks of Virgil, with an English Translation and Notes Virgil, John Martyn Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub alta Otia agunt terra, congestaque robora, Pierius says it is confecto in the Roman manuscript. And Tacitus also says the Germans used to make caves to defend them from the severity of winter, .

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On the basis of this particular verse in the Quran, it is obvious that Prophet Jesus did actually foretell the advent of a prophet to come after him and actually even gave his name. One of the most important of the prophecies in the New Testament appears in the writings of John. Prophet Jesus, may peace and blessings be upon him, speaks of the Paraclete that will come after him. Descriptions of the Paraclete and his profile appear in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth chapters of the Gospel of John and the Epistle of John.

In chapter 14, verses and 26, in chapter 15, verses 26 and 27 and in chapter 16, verses 7 through 15 particularly discuss him. The passage that discusses him, in the Epistle of John, is the first verse in the second chapter. To begin with, these are the main passages that deal with the Paraclete. To the best of my knowledge, the common stereotype and interpretation of the Paraclete that Jesus foretold is a reference to the descent of the Holy Ghost on the disciples of Jesus on the day of Pentecost. Pentecost is a Jewish festival that used to be celebrated in the spring.

It is claimed that about ten days after Jesus died, the Holy Ghost descended on the disciples so that they began speaking in different languages. In fact, in the Book of Acts, in chapter 2 verses , describe the disciples as appearing to be drunk and intoxicated, saying things that are unintelligible to one another. Peter defended them and said that this was the Holy Ghost that made them able to speak in different languages. This is the most common interpretation that for hundreds of years has been supported by the official church.

Muslim scholars however, take a different view all together from this. They say that the prophecy is not talking of something vague or a spirit but the prophecy talks of a human being, a person, who would come after Jesus. First of all, the words of Jesus, in the Book of John in the verses noted above , talks of the Paraclete as someone who has not yet been sent by the Father and that the world did not know him.

Throughout the scripture of the Old Testament, the concept of the Holy Ghost, the Angel of Revelation, or Gabriel were known to the people whereas Jesus insists that the world does not know the Paraclete and that he was yet to be sent by the Father. The Holy Ghost was sent in a variety of occasions. He will not come unless Jesus goes. Then this is something that will happen in the future. Historically speaking, not all early Christians subscribed to this early theory that the Paraclete is the Holy Ghost.

Those Christians were already familiar with what occurred during the Pentecost. However, we still find throughout Christian history, among Christians, many people have risen claiming to be the Paraclete prophesied by Jesus. If they believe that the Paraclete was a spirit, then there would be no point in doing this. Traditional Arabic Medicine is the culmination of Graeco-Roman, Chinese, Persian, and Ayurvedic theories and practices and continues to be practiced in parallel with modern, orthodox medicine [ 11 ]. Origins of Islamic medicine can be traced back to the beginning of the Islamic civilization in the 7th century when Islamic scholars and physicians expanded earlier medical sciences with their own discoveries [ 11 ], and amplified preexisting theoretical principles of medicine into a comprehensive system of medicine [ 12 ].

Within this framework, there is a humoural and temperamental etiology to disease, a spiritual influence according to Abrahamic scripture, and the healing power of nature is utilized for health restoration and preservation [ 12 ]. TAIM reflects an enduring interconnectivity between Islamic medical and Prophetic influences, as well as regional healing practices emerging from specific geographical and cultural origins [ 10 ]. This amalgam of indigenous medical knowledge can be found in current ethno botanical surveys, which document the use of herbs for cancer care in the regions of Israel, Syria, and the Palestinian Authority [ 13 ].

Use of traditional medicine, particularly herbal medicine, can further be seen throughout the Middle East. Reports indicate — plant species are still in use in traditional Arab medicine for the treatment of various diseases [ 14 ], where many of the herbs are used in a culinary and medicinal manner.

This is illustrated by the use in foods of biologically active compounds such as Taraxacum, Black Cumin, Chaste tree, Chicory, Snakeroot, and French Lavender [ 15 ]. Despite the previous development of a theoretical TAIM model that unites inter-related and overlapping terminology, empirical support for the model to actual use and motivations for use have yet to be demonstrated.

Moreover, little is known about how patients discuss TAIM use with allopathic medicine providers. We used an ethnographic approach to conduct a qualitative study as one component of a multistage, mixed methods parent study focused on developing a self-administered healthcare quality assessment instrument in the four languages of Arabic, English, Hindi, and Urdu [ 17 ].

The initial stage of the parent study involved cultural adaptation of the Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Systems Survey [ 16 ]. The second stage of the parent study involved qualitative interviews regarding patient perspectives on healthcare quality, including the use of alternative medical practices. Qatar has a population of approximately 1. Doha presents an extremely high-density multicultural setting [ 22 ]. Outpatient clinics in the Hamad Medical Center, the leading healthcare provider in Qatar, served as the specific data collection site.

To attain a minimum of 20 participants per language group for in-depth interviews to ensure data saturation, we targeted the recruitment of approximately 80 subjects. Exclusion criterion was 1 Has a severe debilitating illness precluding participating. The interviews were conducted by research assistant- RA pairs, each bilingual in Arabic and English, Hindi and English or Urdu and English, who respectively conducted the Arabic, Hindi and Urdu interviews. The English interviews were conducted by various combinations of RAs depending on recruitment and RA availability. The senior PI on the project, MDF, a qualitative and mixed methods research methodologist, trained the interviewers.

As the first interviews were completed, these were reviewed to help further refine the training of the RAs, and to begin the iterative analysis. Transcripts were not returned to participants as this was not really feasible given the high mobility of the engaged population, as many are transient workers, or are private and reserved. Field jottings were recorded in the field, and then expanded into full notes after the interviews. The duration of the interviews was 15—60 min. There were no focus groups.

The RAs were trained to record demographic information, context, content and conceptual ideas. Observations were debriefed on a regular conference call held approximately every week. A sample of the interview guide can be found in Additional file 1. A full paper based heavily on the field notes as well as interview data about recruitment and informed consent has been previously published [ 22 ]. Audio-recorded interviews were transcribed in the native language, and a second reviewer checked all transcriptions. Any possible identifying information was modified to protect privacy.

Arabic, Urdu, and Hindi transcripts were independently translated into English, compared for similarity, and differences resolved by a third bilingual researcher. To develop preliminary codes for systematic analysis, team members AK, MF, and a research assistant immersed themselves in the data by independently reading and open coding transcripts.

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Codes and definitions were routinely reviewed and refined during meetings. Emergent themes were amalgamated into the coding scheme, and coding definitions were developed through general consensus of the team. Two analysts AK and the research assistant independently coded two transcripts and compared for calibration, while a third MF reconciled any variations. All of the remaining transcripts were coded by the primary analyst AK , who also consulted with team members each week to resolve emerging concerns.

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The search was then refined for output by language and gender. Data collected on the demographics instrument was merged with textual data to provide context for stories and quotes.

We looked but found no other traditional healing practices or evidence contradicting the model. We integrated the diverse data sources into a narrative format to address these study purposes. For full details on participant recruitment, see another previously published study [ 24 ].

Pseudonyms are used rather than participant numbers. The pseudonyms are consistent with the cultural background, thus conveying quotes from a variety of individuals of varied backgrounds. Participants discussed traditional healing practices as attributable to Islamic tradition, namely, practices based on Islamic religious texts and worship practices, as well as those outside the scope of Islamic tradition, stemming from cultural or ethnic heritage unique to a geographical area.

As previously proposed, empirically, Islamic worship practices and regional healing practices proved to be at the heart of the TAIM conceptual model Fig. It serves the purpose of illustrating the difficulty of what the participants have said. For the non-English language, further, it provides authenticity to the metaphors used which are virtually impossible to find equivalents in English. Also, many of the participants had a low level of literacy, and in fact spoke ungrammatically. Many of our participants spoke about Islamic-based practices. As the Quran and Prophetic traditions or hadith , are the textual foundations of the Islamic faith, references to herbs, dietary practices, or other healing practices in the Quran and Prophetic traditions formed the basis of specific healing practices.

Islamic religious texts are also the primary source for Islamic worship practices, correspondingly perceived to have healing characteristics. Within Islamic worship practices, a spectrum of therapies related to spiritual healing, herbal medicine, manual techniques, mind-body therapy, and dietary practices can be extrapolated.

Our findings reflect the greatest emphasis on spiritual healing, dietary practices, and herbal medicine of the five proposed elements of the model. Many participants believe that God trusts the individual with good health; God sends down illness and is the One who ultimately relieves it. Muslim participants in particular often described how they use Islamic texts, Holy Quran and Hadith, or Prophetic tradition as primary sources of prayers for healing. These descriptions occurred for both individuals in their approaches for themselves and for treatment of others.

Spiritual healing practices are also carried out in the manner of religious figures reciting prayer over those who are sick, or over things consumed by those who are sick. In a similar manner, individuals also recite prayers as a form of self-care. Examples include prayers recited over water. First, I have to believe in this then doctor…so I used to read the healing prayer of eye-sight and used to blow on Zamzam water a well in Mecca, believed to be a miraculously generated source of water from God and I prayed from my heart and applied it on his eye.

All praise to Allah, now his eye is fine. I drink it myself and also give it to the children to drink. Herbal remedies appear to be mainly used in a culinary manner, and reflect the integration of these practices into the mainstream diet. Nigella sativa L.

Therapies related to diet are often a form of self-care amongst our participants, and include the use of foods such as honey, also mentioned in both Prophetic tradition as well as the Quran. While eating, drink water before or in the middle not at the end, if you follow these you would be safe from many diseases. The last, it means one should not eat that much, that it puts burden on your abdomen, if it will be heavy on your abdomen then it will be on the whole body.

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The ritual prayer, salat, incorporates a specific set of physical postures while reciting specific verses of the Holy Quran, glorifications, supplications, and affirmations to God. Our respondents felt that ritual prayer promoted well-being. If you pray five times a day then there are so many units of prayer that one gets good exercise. Al-hejamah, the Arabic term for cupping, literally means to reduce in size or to return the body to its natural and harmonious state. The practice of al-hejamah has pervaded the Middle East for thousands of years with citations dating back to the time of Hippocrates.

Also taken from Prophetic tradition, this is a method whereby blood is drawn by vacuum from a small skin incision for therapeutic purposes. Participants were more likely to use vitamins and herbal therapy if recommended by their doctors. I came here right after getting married…there is no system of herbal here. Participants had varying opinions as to the role their doctor plays in prescribing or informing healthcare choices relating to TAIM. Intuitively and anecdotally, there has been an understanding that various elements of the TAIM model are utilized in the Arabian Gulf.

Additionally, this research contributed to our understanding of how patient-doctor dynamics impact disclosure of TAIM. Importantly, there is not an equal distribution of the elements of the TAIM model, with more practices grounded in herbal medicine, spiritual healing, and dietary practices. Herbal medicine use stemmed from religious texts, as well as traditional practices unique to a geographical area.

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Herbs were mostly used in a culinary manner, while traditional herbal preparations including tinctures, teas, or salves were not as prevalent. Doctors at HMC prescribed multivitamins, prenatal vitamins, as well as individual vitamins. Gerber et al. Prayer salat , Dhikr or remembrance of Allah, and recitation of the Quran are common examples of spiritual healing practices employed by our participants. Recited prayers and worn amulets contain verses from the Quran, to which curative powers are ascribed as passages of the Quran are believed to have vast healing properties [ 26 , 27 ].

Once a spiritual prescription has been given for a particular condition, it can be used continuously over time until the ailment is resolved, thus the need for repeated visits may be unnecessary. Participants spoke about dietary practices that derived from both geographical influences, as well as religious texts. Examples of geographical influences include the use of spices, such as ginger and chili, in a culinary manner to aid health and well-being [ 29 ].

The Holy Quran and Prophetic tradition provide guidelines on the manners of eating and drinking, as well as etiquette related to before, during, and after finishing eating [ 30 ]. Making supplication before and after each meal, eating with the right hand, eating seated, slowly, and in moderation are some examples [ 30 ]. Eating is considered first an act of worship and second for maintaining good health [ 30 ]. Many religions and spiritual traditions across the world ascribe beliefs in healing through prayer.

The Islamic ritual prayer salat involves certain physical postures and can be comparable to active meditation. Prayer is a special form of meditation and may therefore convey all the health benefits that have been associated with meditation [ 31 ] including enhancing spiritual, psychological, and physical well-being. Our participants did not ascribe prayer to being a mind-body practice, and most would consider it first and foremost an act of worship.

For this reason, we grouped all references to prayer and divine remembrance under spiritual healing. Applied, physical or manual therapies include any practice whereby physical application occurs, and includes such therapies as reflexology, cupping or hijamah, and bone setting. This element was the least prevalent among our subjects, and also influenced by religious and regional forces. While some applied therapies can be self-administered, of the proposed elements, this particular one requires access to a trained practitioner and may become a barrier in access to care.

Thus, traditional medicine is the primary source of health care at the community level [ 33 ]. Cultural beliefs and practices often lead to self-care or home remedies in remote areas and consultation with traditional healers [ 14 ]. This research also elucidates the details and motives that affect use of TAIM in this population. Muslim participants are motivated to use traditional practices, as they are believed to stem from religious texts, and consequently for many, an extension of worship practices.

Amongst non-Muslim participants, worship practices such as prayer are also believed to have curative properties. Moreover, participants relied on traditional medicine if access to allopathic doctors was limited. This is evident in remote areas where doctors or specialists may not be available [ 34 ]. Traditional practices are also utilized if the issue is believed to be of a psycho-spiritual nature, and thus independent of a medical nature. Truter [ 35 ] ascribes patient reasons for visits to traditional healers as those not only for health concerns but also for illness stemming from super- natural causes, as well as a lack of trust in the ability of Western medical practitioners to effectively treat psychosocial problems.

Participants spoke of utilizing traditional therapies while visiting their home country; some were not familiar with whether or not an herbal system exists in Qatar and relied on family to supply them with needed herbs or homeopathic formulations. In one study, the authors report that almost half of the respondents interviewed have used herbal supplements, vitamins and minerals, as well as non-vitamin, non-mineral, and non-herbal supplements, and preferred herbal supplements to conventional medicine for addressing digestive ailments, common respiratory concerns, and weight support [ 36 ].

In consideration of our final objective, this research highlights the dynamic in which patients interact or do not interact with their doctors, as it relates to disclosure of TAIM use. Participants were more likely to use traditional therapies if recommended by their doctors, and participants also had varying opinions as to the role their doctor plays in prescribing or informing healthcare choices. Thus, education, life experiences and the economics of a community may impart whether an individual may or may not initiate healthcare seeking behavior [ 37 ].

In exploring self-treatment practices originating from popular, folk, and professional sectors, patients most likely discussed treatments from the professional sector with physicians because they were perceived as legitimate and medically acceptable, furthermore suggesting that patients may be more willing to disclose use of provider-based CAM e. Doctors at HMC prescribed individual vitamins, multivitamins, as well as prenatal vitamins thus the perceived need of supplementing may be deemed ill-advised or unnecessary.

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While Qatar is characterized by a mix of ethnic and cultural groups, there is a need to identify further the types of traditional practices being used, the frequency of use, factors affecting use, patterns of utilization, and most importantly their contribution to health. Regarding potential limitation of this research, first, while Qatar is demographically diverse, it is unclear to what extent variation can be generalized to other parts of the Middle East. Ethnographic research is best suited for demonstrating patterns and meanings of use, rather than assessing prevalence of use.

This would be an area ripe for future investigation. That said, there are several other countries that rely heavily on expatriate workers, e. To examine fully the prevalence and utilization patterns of TAIM, the future studies should include both private and government healthcare facilities. There is open opportunity for direct research in settings where all forms of TAIM are provided. Second, there is the potential for desirability bias. In this case, the normative basis would be for participants to praise the system, and indeed we found some evidence of individuals who said so.

As our interviews asked individuals about their experiences, and not their attitudes, this concern, we believe has minimal impact. Lastly, we were aware of our bias going into the data set, and we looked for disconfirming information, and also evidence for other elements, but these were not identified.

All types of treatments that were discussed fall under one of the TAIM components. Based on our findings, we conclude that the TAIM model is theoretically robust, and has an empirical basis for all of the elements in the TAIM conceptual model. Traditional medicine provides a platform for ensuring that all people have access to care. As traditional medicine is either the foundation of healthcare delivery, or serves as a complement to it, we recommend further exploration into traditional healing practices. SA drafted and final-edited the manuscript.

HA participated in data collection. AKi and SA led the data analysis. MF conceived of the study, participated in its design and coordination, assisted with analysis, and helped to draft and finalize the manuscript. All authors read, reviewed, and approved the final manuscript. In accordance with IRB approval, verbal informed consent was obtained by research participants. Additional file 1: 41K, doc Sample Interview Guide.

DOC 40 kb. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Published online Mar