Cities and Services: The Geography of Collective Consumption; by Steven Pinch | eBay
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Previous Figure Next Figure. Email or Customer ID. Forgot your password? Forgot password? While the industrial city and the Fordist city model still provided institutionalised arenas for protests and discontent through unions, Mayer argues that neoliberal urbanism offers fewer sites and openings for such collective struggle Yet, while existing institutional arrangements, political compromises and collectivist, social-state policies and redistributive systems seem to be systematically destroyed, they also create new infrastructures for market-oriented economic growth, commodification, and capital-centric rule Peck et al.
It is here, where these policies and systems are often linked to creative and entrepreneurial tendencies with a positive value for transforming cityscapes, exploiting cultural creativity and entrepreneurial activation Mayer, Much of the above-cited literature focuses its understanding of urban development primarily on the context of strategies of capital and the hopelessness of structural inequalities.
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How are their daily living conditions affected by these measures? How is daily life organised in the austere city? Here, their project was to make space available for creative and entrepreneurial activities that would otherwise be inaccessible for certain people because of rising rents. She revises two different ways of how the notion of scarcity has been perceived historically: the intention to save as an important step for civilization as presented by Thomas Robert Malthus, or on the contrary, as a barrier for economic growth as in the macroeconomic perspective of John Maynard Keynes.
Issues of scarcity and austerity mobilise antagonistic assumptions about what it means to face economic reality.
Cities and Services : The geography of collective consumption
They entail specific notions about what the bounds of the economy are or should be. They are tied to polemics about who abides in the realm of imagination and fiction and who is clear-headed enough to see the order of the day. Tellmann, this issue: This shows that the notion of scarcity contributes to a construction of demands, which make certain resources appear limited. Its critical interrogation, however, can also reveal the links and connections between valuation, scaling and perhaps a more positive notion of a culture of frugality.
One of the ways to speed up this scaling-down, says Urry, is to somehow make modest life more fashionable. The question is, how? Perhaps some answers can be found in the degrowth or post-growth context challenging the economic growth paradigm of modern societies. With its geographically and philosophically heterogeneous sources, it not only introduces an ethical-political dimension but also criticises the basic understanding and structures of society from the perspectives of ecological economics, social economy, economic anthropology and activist groups Martinez-Alier et al.
As Barbara Muraca points out, the movement has two roots: economical and environmental Muraca, Generally degrowth challenges the hegemony of growth and calls for a democratically led redistributive downscaling of production and consumption in industrialised countries as a means to achieve environmental sustainability, social justice and well being. Demaria et al. When Demaria et al.
Thus, it is important to re-introduce these other categories beside economics and structural injustices underlined in the austerity research within critical urban studies. In this line, the article by Psarikidou in this issue focuses on alternative food networks in Manchester and Birmingham that promise to provide their own local remedies to urban effects of austerity and resource scarcity. Their actors develop strategies that draw on personal networks, barter systems, voluntary labour and fair-trade ethics — practices that directly shape a local community and therefore the urban setting.
It takes a critical approach to question the perspective of innovation based on the economic growth paradigm and argues that it could be valuable to understand such collaborative projects as innovative forms of reorganising the economy. The most outspoken example is the Londoner New Cross Commoners project portrayed in a roundtable discussion about organisation in grassroots initiatives CiT-Collective et al.
In their words:. A commons is a resource whose use is negotiated, decided and regulated by its users on a direct and non hierarchical basis. A commons is not a resource that everybody can use, it is a resource that can be used by people who take part in the processes of negotiating and re-negotiating its regulations — people who take part in commoning. Such a commons is something that has to be taken care of against the control of the state and the privatisation of the market. CiT-Collective et al.
However Harvey, in regard to Ostrom, reminds us that horizontal organisation finds its limits when solidarity groups leave the small scale Harvey, While interviewing Freecycle and Freegle users, he exemplifies the sometimes unintended exclusion of certain groups from these processes of gifting and exchange.
Social inclusion and exclusion related to digital labour are also explored in an article and note about coworking spaces in this issue. They seem to find each other in a collective, community-based organisation that is free, open and non-committal. Merkel states that coworking spaces can therefore be regarded as a new form of urban social infrastructure — possibly replacing those that were established by a more fordist organisation. By reviewing the emergent literature on coworking spaces, he asks: to what extent do these spaces really allow knowledge workers to find ways to accommodate their nomadic work life and alleviate their precarious working conditions?
One of the prevalent empowering processes at play is that of re-skilling, which in turn reactivates certain practices. As knowledge is being redistributed, it has widespread social potential. In their article about Polish saving practices as portrayed in the Polish media, they unfold transcultural movements of trends in a specific national and generational context. While it is often argued that processes of re-skilling places the knowledge and power to act and change ones immediate surroundings in the hands of the citizen, such everyday practices are rarely studied or explored systematically as Monika Grubbauer states in her piece about DIY home-remodeling.
The third discourse that relates to many of the contributions in this city regards the more practical ambitions of creating public spaces through urban interventions. In other words, thinking about cities starts on the streets more than at academic desks Harvey, xi.
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Their format provides some insights into the relationship between theory and practice on a different level as the authors reflect on their practices, describe the organising issues they face and their challenges and ambitions. The collection of the texts in this section touches upon issues of political activism, the production of urban space, participatory planning processes, urban interventions and tactical appropriation of space in a field, which in the last 10 years often finds itself under the umbrella term of the right-to-the-city-movement World charter for the right to the city, July In its core, the movement and most of its sub-groups relate to French philosopher Henri Lefebvre, who in wrote the seminal essay The right to the city, and which today has become a slogan and empty signifier that has been picked up by academics and activists alike.
In other words, urban life is a constant and collective struggle Harvey, 4. While a growing number of participants and bigger projects are a sign of success for these initiatives, they are also faced with financial challenges and the difficult quest for autonomy and non-precarious labour conditions.
All of these cases have the explicit aim to radically shift city politics towards the integration of under-represented, marginalised groups. At the level of urban planning, we witness an increased interest in participatory planning processes. Those citizens who have sufficient capacities e. The note from Krzysztof Herman — an activist, urban planner and landscape architect — is about initiating, supervising and implementing urban interventions.
Whereas these contributions mainly focus on the physical space, other additions in this section approach the negotiation of urban space in a more holistic way, noting how these practices are also attempts at the social reproduction of common life cf. Frenzel and Beverungen, 2. The architects Doina Petrescu and Constantin Petcou introduce a bottom—up framework for resilient urban regeneration — a collaborative, citizen-led network of facilities, which can serve as a model for sustainable city life. What is common to all of these examples is their active participation in co-designing and co-producing the urban environment.
Yet, the approaches and tactics of these groups are specific to the respective politico-economic and cultural regimes as well as spatial circumstances. Six years later, the group decided to make the artwork disappear by painting it black. This act was interpreted as one against gentrification, rising rents and the role of creative urbanites in contributing to this process. A similar, albeit theoretical point, is made by organisational scholar Timon Beyes, in his note in which he discusses the various ways in which art is summoned to save the city.
ISBN 13: 9780710200549
Lining up the different modes how artists as urban entrepreneurs engage with the city, he points to the spectacle, grassroots development and social work. Here, the safe neighbourhood or safe city are discourses framing a social balancing act between a growing surveillance and police armament on the one hand, and a gender-sensitive design of the public space on the other hand Laimer and Rauth, As this special issue is a true collective endeavor we would like to thank two groups of colleagues: the Low-budget urbanity research initiative from HafenCity University in Hamburg and the ephemera collective with very special thanks to Lena Olaison for her constant guidance and efforts.
We also received financial support for language editing from the Forschungs- und Wissenschaftsstiftung Hamburg and the HafenCity University in Hamburg.
Her past work ethnographically studied Couchsurfing. Her findings have been recently published in a book titled Becoming intimately mobile , Frankfurt: Peter Lang, where she describes the effects of mobility and new media use on intimacy, trust, and strangerhood. Her current research topics include digital infrastructures, the sharing economy, and digitally-mediated sociality. Heike Derwanz coordinated the Low-Budget-Urbanity research group at HafenCity University Hamburg and researches urban low-budget practices and sustainability since April In her former projects as well as in her post-doc work she is interested in social and economic practices of creative innovators and entrepreneurs.
She is a cultural anthropologist and art historian with a PhD about street artists and their careers on the art and design market. Her fields of expertise are in anthropology of art, outsider art, metropolitan culture, sustainable everyday practices as well as actor-network and assemblage theory. Hans Vollmer studied landscape architecture in Munich and Bordeaux, focussing on the transformations of former industrial landscapes.