Returning to Political Parties? - The Iraqi Turkmen Front - Presses de l’Ifpo
In the second elections that were held on December 15 th , the Iraqi Turkmen Front that participated in the elections on its own behalf without allying with other Turkmen or Iraqi parties got votes that got it one seat in the parliament As for ministerial portfolios, the Front holds none in the current Iraqi government. In the forthcoming parliamentary elections, the Front might be allying with other Turkmen and Iraqi factions in order to be able to affect the decisions of the future government, especially that the Kirkuk issue and the implementation of article of the Iraqi Constitution which stipulates that Kirkuk should be part of the Kurdistan region are imminent.
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True to these expectations, the Turkmen Front as well as several Turkmen and Arab factions in Kirkuk already started holding conferences, taking several measures, and establishing joint organizations in order to run for the upcoming local elections governorates council in October The Kirkuk governorate council includes forty-one seats that are distributed on the following lists: the brotherhood list which includes Kurds, Arabs, and Turkmen represented by the national union and the Kurdistan Democratic Party twenty-six seats; the Turkmen Front eight seats; the Iraqi republican gathering five seats; the Turkmen Islamic alliance one seat, and the Iraqi Arab gathering one seat.
As for other cities and districts in Kirkuk, the Turkmen Front has several members and representatives in municipal councils and government offices.
For example, the Front has two seats in the municipal council of Altun Capri, a city with a predominantly Turkmen population that is part of the Kirkuk governorate. The Turkmen Front accuses the two Kurdish parties of seeking to establish a closed Kurdish zone the end justifies the means by confiscating the dignity of other ethnic groups in the region, usurping the lands of Turkmen, Arabs, Chaldo-Assyrians, Yezidis, Shabak, and others, by intimidating them and stirring discord and unrest.
The Front speaks on behalf of these people about their stolen rights and their occupied zones inside the Kurdish territories; however, most of the Yezidis in Kurdistan consider themselves Kurds and hold strong ties with the Kurdish authorities in the region. Moreover, Chaldo-Assyrians have their own parties that are able to speak on their behalf; this is why they consider this kind of behavior a political attempt to create nationalist tendencies opposed to the nationalist Kurdish discourse in Iraq and the Kurdistan region.
While refusing the annexation of Kirkuk to Kurdistan and calling for making Kirkuk an independent region, the Turkmen Front and several parties that were under its umbrella had several plans, nationalist projects, and projects for Kirkuk, most of which seek to compete with the Kurds and hinder the implementation of article and constitute alternative projects for Kirkuk in case the Kurds claim it.
Therefore, it seems that the Turkmen Front and some of its allies are adopting some sort of a pragmatic policy in order to win over the Arab majority, even though this might create dualism in its political discourse.
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For example, Turkmeneli has a project that seeks to divide northern Iraq into three autonomous zones Kurdistan, Mosul, and Kirkuk with three regions North, Center, and South. Moreover, the project includes the judicial authority that is made of nine members: four from Kurdistan, three from Mosul, and two from Kirkuk , the legislative authority members with a four-year mandate and the members are divided as follows: 50 from Kurdistan, 30 from Mosul, and 20 from Kirkuk. This is a summary of the project along with the definition of the power of each of the four authorities. According to the project, Kirkuk will be a Turkmen autonomous zone in the north region.
Moreover, in terms of geographic partition of autonomous zones, the project relies on another map that the Turkmen Front uses to prove that Kirkuk and other areas in northern Iraq are the legal property of the Turkmen. We also notice that in order to counter the Kurds, the Front resorts to the same nationalist logic and political discourse that they use. This discourse is mainly based on the following guidelines: historical legitimacy, stolen rights, deprivation, displacement, the Arab rush, and after the fall, the Front added the Kurdish rush.
During that period, several Turkmen nationalist parties took a reconciliatory course with the Kurdish identity and political parties, while other clashed with them. Sheth Jerjis, , The Turkmen of Iraq. Barky Henry J. Press release by the Iraqi Turkmen Front in June 16th, , published on its official website www. As a result, according to this report, the number of Turkmen will increase to around 4 millions.
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Nevertheless, according to western research centers, the number of Turkmen in Iraq varies between 1. These causes are: 1- preventing the partition of Iraq on a confessional or ethnic basis, which could lead to the creation of an independent Kurdish state or confederation with Kirkuk as capital and prompt the numerous Kurds in Turkey to develop similar aspirations to a similar entity.
We also interviewed several Front cadres in Altun Capri, Kirkuk. Sami Donomz. Women have a high rate of participation in these political and popular organizations. Moreover, youth and students are sent to Turkey to participate in education and social activities and to finish their higher studies at the baccalaureate, masters, and PhD levels. The Front was dealt a severe blow when Turkmen Shiites voted for the Shiite coalition instead of the Front after Sayyed Ali Sistany ordered them to do so.
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Returning to Political Parties?
The Iraqi Communist Party. Returning to Political Parties? Search inside the book. Table of contents. Cite Share. Cited by. Index Text Bibliography Notes Author.
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Full text. It is a central newspaper Read Open Access. Freemium Recommend to your library for acquisition. ISBN: DOI: Jawhar, R. The Iraqi Turkmen Front. In Catusse, M. The book deals with the five most important overlapping spheres of Iraqi public life: the Ba'th and revolution; the political system and its leader Saddam Husayn; nation-building and ethnic minorities; enemies and wars.
The Iraqi Turkmen Front
An unknown error has occurred. Please click the button below to reload the page. If the problem persists, please try again in a little while. No cover image. Read preview. Synopsis This is the first serious attempt to understand modern Iraq through a close examination of the political discourse used by the Ba'th regime and its leader, Saddam Hussein. By analyzing political terms, concepts, and idioms as disseminated through the official Iraqi mouthpieces, author Ofra Bengio illuminates Iraq's political culture and the events that these expressions have both reflected and shaped.
Not only does this study add to our understanding of the "Saddam enigma;" it also offers a more universal truth: that under any regime, political culture is built on public discourse. Saddam's Word will be of much interest to students of the contemporary Middle East, as well as to all other observers of Saddam Hussein and his regime. Excerpt The Gulf War has turned Saddam Husayn's Iraq into the centerpiece of world attention, yet it remains an enigma. Cordesman Praeger,